CIHM 
Microfiche 
Series 
(l\ionog  raphe) 


ICI\1H 

Collection  de 
microfiches 
(monographies) 


Canadian  Inatituta  for  Hiatorlcal  MIcroraproduetiona  /  InatHut  Canadian  da  mieroraprodtictiona  hiatoriquaa 


©1995 


TMlinical  and  BibliompMe  New  /  NoM  tMhniquM  «  MblioiraphiqiM 


TiM  liHiitutt  has  atttmptMl  to  obtain  tha  bwt  orifinal 
copy  antlaMa  for  filmini.  FaaUirat  of  ihii  oopy  whMi 
may  ba  MMiegnphicallv  uniqua,  wMch  aMV  altar  any 
of  tha  tmagat  in  ttia  raproduction,  or  wMati  may 
lifnif  ieantly  ciiaaga  tlw  uuial  matfml  of  f ilmina,  art 


QColoorad  conn/ 
Couaarttira  Ja  coulayr 


D 


Coaari  damatad/ 
Coumrtyi*  andommagaa 


□  Conn  raitond  and/or  laminatad/ 
Coummm  raatauria  at/ou  pallicuMa 

□  Covar  titla  mining/ 
Latin*  ' 


0 


Cartai  gtetraphiquai  an  coulaur 

Colooiad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  Mua  or  Maekl/ 
Encra  da  coiilavr  (i.a.  auti*  w»  Maua  ou  noira) 


QCatourad  piatat  and/or  illintrationi/ 
Plancfm  at/ou  illiutrations  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  malarial/ 
Ralia  avac  d'auvat  documanli 


D 

□  Tight  bindina  may  cauia  ihadoan  or  dinortion 
aloni  inurior  margin/ 

La  laliura  tartia  paut  eauiar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
datonion  la  long  da  la  marga  iniariawa 

□  Blank  laam  addad  during  raftoration  may  appaar 
withiniha ttxt.  Whananr pouibla, tham ham 
baan  omitiad  from  filming/ 
II  <a  paut  qua  cartainat  pagis  Manchai  ajoutiai 
Ion  d'una  ranauratioo  apparaitiant  dam  la  taxia, 
mail,  lonqua  cala  Mait  pooiMa.  cat  pagn  n'ont 
pat  M  filmaat. 


L'lnitiuit  a  midof  ilmA  la  maillaur  aiiamplaira  qu*il 
lui  a  M  pmaibl*  da  aa  procurer.  Lai  dMaili  d«  sat 
anamplaira  ipii  wnt  paut4ti*  uniquaa  du  point  da  aua 
bibliogiaphiqua.  qui  paunant  modif  iar  una  knaga 
raprodujta.  ou  qui  paumnt  ai.igar  una  modif icatian 
dam  la 
d-dattoui. 


tafn  da  coulaur 


1 — IPagndatMhad/ 
1 IPagaidtoahtaa 

^  Sho-through/ 

□  Quality  of  print  nriai/ 
Qualiti  inigala  da  I'imprauion 

□  Continuoui  pagination/ 
Pagination  conlhiua 

0lncludai  indaxlail/ 
Comprand  un  (dn)  indax 

Titla  on  haadar  takan  from:/ 
La  titi*  da  I'an-tMa  piooiant: 

□  Titla  paga  of  inue/ 
Paga  da  titra  da  la  liwaiion 

□  Caption  of  inu*/ 
Titra  da  dipart  da  la  linaiMn 


D 


MuthMd/ 

GMMriqiM  (pAriodiqim)  d«  la  livrtison 


0 


Additional comnMfits:/  Pages  n^olly  obscured  by  tissues  have  been  ref limed  to  ensure  the  best 

Commentaim  supplinMntsirei:  possible  Image. 


lOX                                14X                                 1IX 

ax 

2«X 

30X 

y 

UX 

16X 

ax 

24X 

ax 

32X 

Tha  eepv  fllmad  har*  Iim  baan  raproducad  thank* 
to  tha  ganarealty  of: 

BibliotMqiM  giniralt, 

UnlvanM  Unl, 

QuMmg,  QuMmc. 

Tha  Imagaa  appaaring  har*  ara  tha  batt  quality 
peaslbia  eoniMaring  t^•  eondltlon  and  laglbillty 
of  tha  original  eopy  and  In  kaaplng  with  tha 
filming  contract  apadfleatlona. 


L'axamplair*  fllmt  fut  raproduit  griea  t  la 


WUIotMqiM  (infral*, 
UnlnnM  Unl, 


Lai  Imagat  luhiantai  ent  it*  raprodultai  avac  la 
plus  grand  lOln.  eompta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  I'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
eonfonnM  avae  lot  eonditlona  du  contrat  da 


Original  ooplai  In  printad  papar  eovars  ara  fNmad 
baglnning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  Hluatratad  Impraa- 
aion,  or  tlia  back  covar  whan  apprepriata.  All 
othar  original  eoplaa  ara  fllmad  baglnning  on  tii* 
first  paga  wHh  a  printad  or  Hluatratad  Impraa- 
alon,  and  anding  on  tho  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  Hluatratad  Impraaslon. 


Laa  axamplalras  origlnaux  dont  la  eouvartura  an 
papiar  aat  Imprimda  sont  fllm4s  an  commanfant 
par  la  pramlar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  is 
damMra  paga  qui  eomporta  una  amprainta 
dimpraaslon  ou  dIHustration,  aoit  par  la  saeond 
plat,  salon  la  caa.  Toua  laa  autraa  axampisiras 
originaus  sont  flimda  an  commandant  par  ia 
pramMra  paga  qui  eomporta  una  amprainta 
dimpraaalon  ou  d'lHustratlon  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darhiira  paga  qui  eomporta  una  talia 
amprainta. 


Tha  laat  raeordad  frame  on  each  microfleha 
ahail  contain  tha  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "COM- 
TINUED"!.  or  tha  symbol  ▼  (moaning  "END"), 
whiehavar  appliae. 


Un  do*  symbolee  sulvanta  apparattra  sur  ia 
derniira  image  do  cheque  mierofieha.  seion  la 
eas:  la  symboia  -»  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  ▼  signifis  "FIN". 


Mapa.  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  fHmed  et 
different  reduction  retios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmed 
beginning  In  the  upper  left  hand  comer,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  foHowing  diagrams  Illustrate  tha 
method: 


Las  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  pauvent  tttt 
flimte  i  dss  ttux  da  rMuetion  diffirents. 
Lorsqus  le  document  est  trop  grend  pour  ttre 
reproduit  en  un  soul  elichi.  II  est  film*  i  psrtir 
da  I'sngie  supirieur  geuehe,  de  gauche  i  droits, 
at  de  haut  en  bas,  an  prenant  le  nombra 
d'Images  niesssaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
IHuatrant  la  mdthode. 


1  2  3 


(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  J) 


■  25 

i^ 

|2.0 

u 


1.8 


ttHygi^ 


.^^         '•"  E™1   Moin   Slr«l 
"  ("«)  288 -5989- Fo, 


.P^; 


THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS  OP  THE  NEW 
WORLD 


SXTBA-ILLDSTBATBO  EDITION 


VOLUME  SO 

THE  CHKONICLES 

OF  AMERICA  SERIES 

ALLEN  JOHNSON 

EDITOR 

GERHARD  R.  LOHER 

CHARLES  W.  JEFFERYS 

ASSISTANT  EDITORS 


PAN K   NATIONS 
NJA\   WORLD 

">i<.  !.!,   OF 
RN    N'ElGIinORS 
.   K.  SIIliPHERit 


"^^^^^ 


THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 
OF  THE  NEW  WORLD 

A  CHRONICLE  OF 
OUK  SOUTHERN  NEIGHBORS 
BY  WILLIAM  R.  SHEPHERD 


111 

tSS-9 
So 


LVXCT 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

TORONTO:    GLASGOW,  BROOK  k  CO. 

LONDON:    HUMPHREY    MILFORD 

OXFORD    UNIVERSITY    PRESS 

1920 


Ccpyrighi,  1919.  by  Yale  UnwerHip  Preu 


CONTENTS 


I.    THE  BEBITAGE  PBOM  SPAIN  AND 
POBTCGAl 

11.    "ODB  OLD  KINO  OB  NONE" 
m.    "INDEPENDENCE  OB  DEAIH" 
IV.    rWVGBDiG  THE  SEA 

V.    THE  AGE  OP  THE  D'CTATOBS 

VI.    PEBIL  PBOM  ABBOAD 

Va    GBEATEB  STATES  AND  LESSEB 

Vni.    "ON  THE  MABGIN  OF  INTEBNATIONAL 
LIFE" 

DC.    THE  BEPDBUCS  OP  SOUTH  AMEBICA 

X.    MEXICO  IN  BEVOLCnON 

XL    THE  BEPDLLICS  OP  THE  CABIBBEAN 

XII.    PAN-AMEBICANISH   AND   THE   GBEAT 
WAB 

BIBUOGBAPmCAL  NOTE 
INDEX 


Tft  1 
"  W 
"  M 
",  M 
"  SO 
"  108 
"    IM 

"  148 

"  IM 

"  190 

"  *U 

"   tn 
"  sst 

"  ua 


"0 
A 


K 


(i        I 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

BDldN  BCHiVAB.    Eoinivia(, 

HDPANIC  AMERICA  IN  IT8S 

Ibp  hr  W.  L.  O.  JoMft  Aawieu  GMgnpUod 

SodHjr.  tatbtirat, 

IBANCISCO  DE  HIBANDA.    EognTJiig. 

X)S£  GA8PAR  RODRIGUEZ  DE  FRANCU 

Woodeiigisviai. 

HISPANIC  AMERICA  IN  18(8 

Mv  by  W.  L.  G.  Joeig,  AnMTKu  GcognpUoU 
Sodetjr. 

JUAN  MANUEL  DE  ROSAS.    Engnviiic.  "       " 

ANTONIO  UbVBt  DE  8ANT.V  ANNA.    litho- 
graph. 

PEDRO  II.    Lithograph. 

FORFIRIO  DIAZ.       Fhotopaph. 

JOS^  MANUEL  BALMACEOA.    Photograph. 

HISPANIC  AMERICA  IN  1818 

Mq>  by  W.  L,  G.  Joetg,  American  Geognphkal 


( 
tl 

eo 

M 

76 
108 

m 

171 

tas 


THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS  OF  THE 
NEW  WORLD 


CHAFTER  I 

TM  HKRITAOB  TKOU  BPAIN  AND  PORTOOAL 

Ai  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution  moat  of 
the  New  WorJd  «till  belonged  to  Spun  and  Portu- 
gal,  whoie  captain*  and  conquerors  had  been  the 
first  to  come  to  iu  shores.  Spain  had  the  lion's 
share,  but  Portugal  held  Bnuil,  in  itself  a  vasf 
land  of  unsuspected  resources.  No  empire  man- 
kind had  ever  yet  known  rivaled  in  size  the  illim- 
iUble  domains  of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  the  New 
World;  and  none  displayed  such  remarkable  con- 
trasts in  land  and  people.  Boundless  plains  and 
forests,  swamps  and  deserts,  mighty  mountain 
chains,  torrential  streams  and  majestic  rivers, 
marked  the  surface  of  the  country.  This  vast 
territory  stretched  from  the  temperate  prairies 


2  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

west  of  the  Mississippi  down  to  the  steaming  low- 
ands  of  Central  America,  then  up  through  table- 
lands m  the  southern  continent  to  high  plateaus, 
miles  above  sea  level,  where  the  sun  blazed  and  the 
cold,  dry  air  was  hard  to  breathe,  and  then  higher 
still  to  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  Andes,  clad  in  etenuil 
snow  or  pouring  fire  and  smoke  from  their  smnmits 
m  the  clouds,  and  thence  to  the  lower  temperate 
valleys,  grassy  pampas,  and  undulating  hills  of 
the  far  south. 

Scattered  over  these  vast  colonial  domains  in  the 
Western  World  were  somewhere  between  12  000  - 
000  and  19,000.000  people  subject  to  Spain,  and 
perhaps  3.000.000,  to  Portugal;  the  great  majority 
of  them  were  Indians  and  negroes,  the  latter  pre- 
dominating in  the  lands  bordering  on  the  Carib- 
bean  Sea  and  along  the  shores  of  Brazil.  Possibly 
one-fourth  of  the  inhabitants  came  of  European 
stock,  including  not  only  Spaniards  and  their  de- 
scendants but  also  the  folk  who  spoke  EngKsh  m 
the  Floridas  and  French  in  Louisiana. 

During  the  centuries  which  had  elapsed  since  the 
entry  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  into  these 
regions  an  extraordinary  fusion  of  races  had  taken 
place.  White,  red,  and  black  had  mingled  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  bulk  of  the  setlied  population 


I 
i 
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I 

I 

0 

b 

P 
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oj 
ti 
in 
fo 
Ut 

qi 

di< 
de 


HEBITAGB  FROM  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL    3 
became  half-carte.    Only  in  the  more  temperate 
regions  of  the  far  north  and  south,  where  the 
aborigines  were  comparatively  few  or  had  disap- 
peared altogether,  did  the  whites  remain  racial- 
ly distinct.    Socially  the  Indian  and  the  negro 
counted  for  Uttle.    They  constituted  the  laboring 
class  on  whom  all  the  burdens  fell  and  for  whom 
advantages  in  the  body  politic  were  scant.   Legally 
i^rj  Indian  under  Spanish  rule  stood  on  a  footing  of 
equality  with  his  white  fellows,  and  many  a  gifted 
HLdve  came  to  be  reckoned  a  force  in  the  commu- 
nity, though  his  social  position  remained  a  sub- 
ordinate one.   Most  of  the  negroes  were  slaves  and 
were  more  kindly  treated  by  the  Spaniards  than 
by  the  Portuguese. 

Though  divided  among  themselves,  the  Euro- 
peans were  everywhere  politicaUy  dominant.    The 
Spaniard  was  always  an  individualist.   Besides,  he 
often  brought  from  the  Old  World  petty  provincial 
i  traditions  which  were  intensified  in  the  New.    The 
inhabitants  of  towns,  many  of  which  had  been 
founded  quite  independently  of  one  another,  knew 
little  about  their  remote  neighbors  and  often  were 
quite  willing  to  convert  their  ignorance  into  preju- 
dice.    The  dweller  in  the  uplands  and  the  resi- 
dent on  the  coast  were  wont  to  view  each  other 


4  THE  HBPANIC  NATIONS 

with  disfavor.    The  one  was  thought  heavy  and 
stupid,  the  other  frivolous  and  laay.  Native  Span- 
iards regarded  the  Creoles,  or  American  bom,  as 
persons  who  had  degenerated  more  or  less  by  their 
contact  with  the  aborigines  and  the  wilderness. 
For  their  part,  the  Creoles  looked  upon  the  Span- 
iards as  upstarts  and  intruders,  whose  sole  claim  to 
consideration  lay  in  the  privileges  dispensed  them 
by  the  home  government.    In  testimony  of  this 
attitude  they  coined  for  their  oversea  kindred 
numerous  nicknames  which  were  more  expressive 
than  complimentary.  While  the  Creoles  held  most 
of  the  wealth  and  of  the  lower  offices,  the  Span- 
iards enjoyad  the  perquisites  and  emoluments  of 
the  higher  posts. 

Though  objects  of  disdain  to  both  these  masters, 
the  Indians  generally  preferred  the  Spaniard  to 
the  Creole.  The  Spaniard  represented  a  distant 
authority  interested  in  the  welfare  of  its  humbler 
subjects  and  came  less  into  actual  daily  contact 
with  the  natives.  While  it  would  hardly  be  correct 
to  say  that  the  Spaniard  was  viewed  as  a  protector 
and  the  Creole  as  an  oppressor,  yet  the  aborigines 
unconsciously  made  some  such  hazy  distinction  — 
if  indeed  they  did  not  view  all  Europeans  with  sus- 
picion and  dislike.   In  Brazil  the  relation  of  classes 


HEEITAGE  FBOM  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL    S 
was  much  the  same,  except  that  here  the  native  ele- 
ment was  much  less  conspicuous  as  a  social  factor. 
These  distiactions  were  all  the  more  accentuated 
by  the  absence  both  of  other  European  peoples  and 
of  a  definite  middle  class  of  any  race.   Everywhere 
in  the  areas  tenanted  originally  by  Spaniards  and 
Portuguese  the  European  of  alien  stock  was  un- 
welcome, even  though  he  obtained  a  grudging  per- 
mission from  the  home  governments  to  remain  a 
colonist.    In  Brazil,  owing  to  the  close  commercial 
connections  between  Great  Britam  and  Portugal, 
•  foreigners  were  not  so  rigidly  excluded  as  in  Span- 
ish America.    The  Spaniard  was  unwilling  that 
lands  so  rich  in  natural  treasures  should  be  thrown 
open  to  exploitation  by  others,  even  if  the  new- 
comer professed  the  Catholic  faith.    The  heretic 
was  denied  admission  as  a  matter  of  course.    Had 
the  foreigner  been  allowed  to  enter,  the  risk  of  such 
exploitation  doubtless  would  have  been  increased, 
but  a  middle  class  might  have  arisen  to  weld  the 
discordant  factions  into  a  society  which  had  com- 
mon desires  and  aspirations.    With  the  develop- 
ment of  commerce  and  industry,  with  the  growth 
of  activities  which  bring  men  into  touch  with  each 
other  in  everyday  affairs,  something  like  a  solidar- 
ity  of  sentiment  might  have  been  awakened.  In  its 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

absence  the  only  bond  among  the  dominant  whites 
was  their  sense  of  superiority  to  the  coloicd  muses 
beneath  them, 

Bfonual  labor  and  trade  h«l  never  attracted 
the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese.    The  army  the 
church,  and  the  law  were  the  three  callings  ihat 
offered  the  greatest  opportunity  for  distinction 
Agriculture,  grazing,  and  mining  they  did  not  dis^ 
dam.  provided  that  superintendence  and  not  actual 
work  was  the  main  requisite.    The  economic  or- 
gamzation  which  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese 
estaolwhed  ^i  America  was  naturally  a  more  or  less 
faithful  reproduction  of  that  to  which  they  had 
been  accustomed  at  home.    Agriculture  and  graz- 
ing became  the  chief  occupations,    domestic  ani- 
mals and  many  kinds  of  phmts  brought  from 
Europe  throve  wonderfully  k  their  new  home. 
Huge  estates  were  the  rule;  small  farms,  the  ex- 
ception.    On  the  ranches  and  plantatiom.  vast 
droves  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  horses  were  raised 
as  well  as  immense  crops.    Mining,  once  so  much 
in  vogue,  had  become  an  occupation  of  secondanr 
importance. 

On  their  estates  tiie  planter,  tiie  ranchman,  and 
the  mine  owner  lived  like  feudal  overlords,  waited 
upon  by  Indian  and  negro  peasants  who  also  tilled 


HEEITAGE  FROM  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL    7 
the  fieldi,  tended  the  droves,  and  dug  the  earth  for 
precious  metals  and  stones.   Originally  the  natives 
had  been  forced  to  work  under  conditions  approxi- 
mating actual  servitude,  but  gradually  the  harsher 
features  of  this  system  had  given  way  to  a  mode  of 
service  closely  resembling  peonage.  Paid  a  pitifully 
small  wage,  provided  with  a  hut  of  reeds  or  sun- 
dried  mud  and  a  tiny  patch  of  soil  on  which  to  grow 
a  few  hills  of  the  com  and  beans  that  were  his  usual 
nourishment,  the  ordinary  Indian  or  half-caste  la- 
borer was  scarcely  more  than  a  beast  of  burden,  a 
creature  in  whom  civic  virtues  of  a  high  order  were 
not  likely  to  develop.    If  he  betook  himself  to  the 
town  his  possible  usef  ubiess  lessened  in  proportion 
as  he  fell  into  drunken  or  dissolute  habits,  or  lapsed 
into  a  state  of  lazy  and  vacuous  dreaminess,  en- 
livened only  by  chatter  or  the  rolling  of  a  cigarette. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  employed  in  a  capacity 
where  native  talent  might  be  tested,  he  often  re- 
vealed a  power  of  action  which,  if  properly  guided, 
could  be  turned  to  excellent  account.  As  a  cowboy, 
for  example,  Le  became  a  capital  horseman,  brave, 
alert,  skillful,  and  daring. 

Commeroe  with  Portugal  and  Spain  was  long 
confined  to  yearly  fairs  and  occasional  trading 
fleets  that  plied  between  fixed  points.    But  when 


•  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Bbewl  decrees  threw  open  numeroua  porta  in  the 
mother  countriei  to  traffic  «nd  the  eeverd  colonies 
were  given  also  the  privilege  of  exchanging  their 
producU  among  themselves,  the  volume  of  exports 
Md  imports  increased  and  gave  an  impetus  to 
acUvity  which  brought  a  notable  release  from  the 
toipor  and  vegeUtion  characterising  earlier  days. 
Yet,  even  so,  commumcation  was  difficult  and  ir- 
»egular.    By  sea  the  distances  were  great  and  the 
vessels  slow.    Overiand  the  natural  obstacles  to 
transportation  were  so  numerous  and  the  methods 
of  conveyance  so  cumbersome  and  expensive  that 
the  people  of  one  province  were  practically  stran- 
gers to  their  neighbors. 

Matters  of  the  mind  and  of  thr  soul  were  un- 
der the  guardianship  of  the  Chureh,    More  than 
merely  a  spiritual  mentor,  it  controlled  education 
and  determined  in  laige  measure  the  course  of  in- 
tellectual life.  Possessed  of  vast  wealth  in  landsand 
revenues,  its  monasteries  and  priories,  its  hospitals 
and  asylums,  its  residences  of  ecclesiastics,  were  the 
finest  buildings  in  every  community,  adorned  with 
the  masterpieces  of  sculptors  and  painters.    A  vil- 
lage might  boast  of  only  a  few  squalid  huts,  yet 
there  in  the  "plaza. "  or  central  square,  loomed  up 
a  massively  imposing  edifice  of  worship,  its  towers 


HEHITAGE  FROM  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  0 
pointing  heavenward,  the  sign  ud  «jrmbol  of  tri- 
umphant power. 

The  Church,  in  fact,  was  the  gnatert  civiliring 
agency  that  Spain  and  Portugal  had  at  their  dia- 
po«aI.    It  inculcated  a  reverence  for  the  monarch 
and  his  minister,  and  fostered  a  deep-rooted  senU- 
ment  of  conservatism  which  made  disloyalty  and 
innovaUon  afanost  sacrilegious.    In  the  Spamsh 
colonies  in  particular  the  Church  not  only  pro- 
tected  the  natives  against  the  rapacity  of  many  a 
white  master  but  taught  them  the  rudiments  of  the 
Christian  faith,  as  well  as  useful  arts  and  trades. 
In  remote  places,  secluded  so  far  as  possible  from 
contact  with  Europeans,  missionaiy  pioneers  gath- 
ered together  groups  of  neophytes  whom  they 
rendered  docUe  and  industrious,  it  is  true,  but 
whom  they  often  deprived  of  initiaUve  and  self- 
reliance  and  kept  ilUterate  and  supeistitious. 

Education  was  reserved  commonly  for  members 
of  the  ruling  class.  As  imparted  in  the  univcrsi- 
ties  and  schools,  it  savored  strongly  of  medieval- 
ism. Though  some  attention  was  devoted  to  the 
natural  sciences,  experimental  methods  were  not 
encouraged  and  found  no  place  in  lectures  and 
textbooks.  Books,  periodicals,  and  other  pubU- 
cations  came  under  ecclesiastical  inspection,  and  a 


»  THE  HISPAmc  NATIONS 

▼igflant  cenionhip  deteradned  what  waa  fit  tor 
the  public  to  read. 

Supreme  over  all  the  colonial  domaiai  waa  the 
government  of  their  majestiea.  the  monarch*  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.    A  minirtry  and  a  councO 
managed  the  affair*  of  the  inhabiuntt  of  America 
•nd  guarded  their  destinies  in  accordance  with  the 
theories  of  enlightened  despotism  then  prevailing 
in  Europe.    The  Spanish  dominions  were  divided 
into  viceroyalties  and  subdivided  into  captain- 
cies general,  presidencies,  and  intendandes.    Asso- 
ciated with  the  high  o£Scials  who  ruled  them  were 
ttudiencuu,  or  boards,  which  were  at  once  judicial 
and  administrative.    Below  these  individuals  and 
bodies  were  a  host  of  lesser  functSiuri.  v  ^ho.  Lie 
their  superiors,  held  their  posts  by  appointment. 
In  Brazil  the  governor  general  bore  the  title  of 
viceroy  and  carried  on  the  administraUon  assisted 
by  provincial  captains,  supreme  courts,  and  local 
oflScers. 

This  control  was  by  no  means  so  autocratic  as  it 
might  seem.  Portugal  had  too  many  interests  else- 
where, and  was  too  feeble  besides,  to  keep  tight 
rein  over  a  territory  so  vast  and  a  population  so 
much  inclined  as  the  Brazilian  to  form  itself  into 
provincial  units,  jealous  of  the  central  authority. 


HERrrAGE  FROM  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  11 
^Min,  on  iU  part,  had  «lway»  practiMd  the  good 
I  oMBoman  rule  of  "divide  and  govern."  Ita  policy 
wa«  to  hold  the  baUnce  among  officials,  civil  and 
ecdeaiartical,  and  inhabitant!,  white  and  coloied. 
It  knew  how  atrongly  individualirtic  the  Spaniard 
was  and  realised  the  full  force  of  the  adage.  "I 
obey,  but  I  do  not  fulfllll"  Legidatures  and  other 
agencies  of  government  directly  representetive  of 
the  people  did  not  exist  in  Spanish  or  Portuguese 
Ameri«|.  The  Spanish  oo^ildo.  or  town  council, 
however,  afforded  an  opportunity  for  the  expres- 
sion of  the  popular  will  and  often  proved  intrac- 
table. Its  meofibership  was  appointive,  elwtive, 
hereditary,  and  even  purchasable,  biij,  the  form 
did  not  affect  the  substance.  The  S^;w|iish  Ameri- 
cans had  an  instinct  for  politics.,  "Here  all  men 
govern."  declared  one  of  the  viceroys;  ".fhepeople 
have  more  part  in  political  discussions  tl^  i|i  any 
other  provinces  19  th^  w<>rld(  a  oounoil  of  war  sits 
in  every  house.". 


f'Jj 


CHAPTER  n 


OUH  OLD  KING  OH  NONE** 

The  movement  which  led  eventually  to  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  colonies  differed  from  the  local 
uprisings  which  occurred  in  various  parts  of  South 
America  during  the  eighteenth  centuiy.    Either 
the  arbitraiy  conduct  of  individual  governors  or 
excessive  taxation  had  caused  the  earlier  revolts. 
To  the  final  revolution  foreign  nations  and  foreign 
ideas  gave  the  necessary  impulse.    A  few  mem- 
bers of  the  intellectual  class  had  read  in  secret 
the  writings  of  French  and  English  philosophers. 
Othershad  traveled  abroad  and  camehome  to  whis- 
per to  their  countrymen  what  they  had  seen  and 
heard  in  lands  more  progressive  than  Spain  and 
Portugal.     The  commercial  relations,  both  licit 
and  illicit,  which  Great  Britain  had  maintained 
with  several  of  the  colonies  had  served  to  diffuse 
among  them  some  notions  of  what  went  on  in  the 
busy  world  outside. 

M 


I 


<  DE  UIHANW 
mnng. 


"OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE  "  is 

By  gaming  its  independence,  the  United  Stetes 
had  set  a  practical  example  of  what  might  be  done 
elsewhere  in  America.   Translated  into  French,  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  read  and  com- 
mented upon  by  enthusiasts  who  dreamed  of  the 
possibility  of  applying  its  principles  in  their  own 
lands.    More  powerful  still  were  the  ideas  liberated 
by  the  French  Revolution  and  Napoleon.    Borne 
across  the  ocean,  the  doctrines  of  "Liberty,  Fra- 
ternity, Equality"  stirred  the  ardent-minded  to 
thoughts  of  action,  though  the  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese Americans  who  schemed  and  plotted  were 
the  merest  handful.    The  seed  they  planted  was 
slow  to  germinate  among  peoples  who  had  been 
taught  to  regard  things  foreign  as  outlandish  and 
heretical.     Many  years  therefore  elapsed  before 
the  ideas  of  the  few  became  the  convictions  of  the 
masses,  for  the  conservatism  and  loyalty  of  the 
common  people  were  unbelievably  steadfast. 

Not  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  but  Santo 
Domingo,  an  island  which  had  been  under  French 
rule  since  1795  and  which  was  tenanted  chiefly  by 
ignorant  and  brutalized  negro  slaves,  was  the  scene 
of  the  first  effectual  assertion  of  independence  in 
the  lands  originally  colonized  by  Spain.  Rising 
in  revolt  against  their  masters,  the  negroes  had 


M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

won  complete  control  under  their  remarkable  com- 
mander  Toussaint  L'Ouverture.  when  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  then  P^t  Consul,  decided  to  r^tore 
the  old  r6g,me.    But  the  huge  expedition  which 

In   ^"'!^  "**""  ""^  '^'""'^  *'"*'«d  '°  absolute 

allure.    After   a  ruthless  racial  warfare,  charac- 

tenzed  by  ferocity  on  both  sides,  the  French 

J^-d    In  1804  the  negro  leader  p„,claimed  the 
"^dependenee  of  the  island  as  the  "Republic  of 
Ha,ti.     under  a  President  who.  appreciative  of 
the  example  just  set  by  Napoleon,  informed  his    ' 
01  owers  that  he  too  had  assumed  the  august 
t.  le  of  "Emperor".    His  immediate  successofL 
Afncan  royalty  was  the  notorious  Henri  Chris- 
tophe   who  gathered  about  him  a  nobility  garish 
m  color  and  taste  -  including  their  sable  ^ 

.h.p^.*he--I)ulce  of  Marmalade"  and  the  "Cou't 
of  Lemonade";  and  who  built  the  palace  of  "Sans 

:°;?.  ""^.'t^'=""»*'y««t«of"Queen'sDelight» 
and  Kmg's  Beautiful  View. "  about  which  cluster 
tales  of  barbaric  pleasure  that  rival  the  grim 
egends  chnging  to  the  parapets  and  enshrouSL 
the  dungeons  of  his  mountain  fortress  of  "if 
Fern  re."  None  of  these  black  or  mulatto  ^. 
tentates,  however,  could  expel  French  authorfty 
f«.m  the  eastern  part  of  Santo  Domingo.     That 


"  OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE  "  15 

i  task  was  taken  in  hand  by  the  inhabitanU  them- 
I  selves,  and  in  1809  they  succeeded  in  restoring  the 
'  control  of  Spain. 

Meanwhile  events  which  had  been  occurring 
in  South  America  prepared  the  way  for  the  move- 
ment that  was  ultimately  to  banish  the  flags  of  both 
Spain  and  Portugal  from  the  continents  of  the  New 
World.  As  the  one  country  had  fallen  more  or  less 
under  the  influence  of  France,  so  the  other  had 
become  practically  dependent  upon  Great  Britain. 
Interested  in  the  expansion  of  iu  commerce  and 
viewing  the  outlying  possessions  of  peoples  who 
submitted  to  French  guidance  as  legitimate  ob- 
jects for  seizure.  Great  Britain  in  1797  wrested 
Trinidad  from  the  feeble  grip  of  Spain  and  thus 
acquired  »  strategic  position  very  near  South 
America  itself.  Haiti,  Trinidad,  and  Jamaica,  in 
fact,  all  became  centers  of  revolutionary  agita- 
tion and  havens  of  refuge  for  Spanish  American 
radicals  in  the  troublous  years  to  follow. 

Foremost  among  the  early  conspirators  was  the 
Venezuelan,  Francisco  de  Miranda,  known  to  his 
fellow  Americans  of  Spanish  stock  as  the  "Pre- 
cursor." Napoleon  once  remarked  of  him :  "He  is 
a  Don  Quixote,  with  this  difference  —  he  is  not 
crazy.  .  .  .     The  man  has  sacred  fire  in  his  soul." 


M 


i 


"  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

An  officer  in  the  armies  of  Sp«„  and  of  wvolu- 
tK.n«y  Fr«,ce  «.d  later  a  ««dent  of  Londo^. 
M.rj.da  devoted  thirty  year,  of  hi.  ^iventnroi' 
We  to  the  cau«,  of  independence  for  hi.  countiy. 

belabored  Jong  and  «alously.  eliciting  f«,m  them 

viwue  promu^s  of  armed  support  and  some  fimm- 

cial  aid.   It  was  in  London,  also,  that  he  organized 

f^^P  «'  sympathizers  into  the  secret  society 

called  the  "Grand  Lodge  of  America."    wTh 

or  mth  .ts  branches  in  Prance  and  Spain,  many  o; 

Uie  leader,  of  the  subsequent  revolution  came  to 

be  identified. 

United  States  and  having  the  connivance  of  the 
British  authorities  in  Trinidad,  Miranda  headed 
twoexpeditionstothecoastofVenezuela.   Hehad 
hoped  that  his  appearance  WQuld  be  the  signal  for 
a  general  uprising;  instead,  he  was  treated  with 
indifference.    His  countrymen  seemed  to  reganl 
J.m  as  a  tool  of  Great  Britain,  and  no  one  S 
disposed  to  ^pt  the  blessings  of  hberty  under 
that  guise.    Humiliated,  but  not  despairing.  Mi- 
randa retumed  to  London  to  await  a  happie^  day. 
TwoBritish  expeditions  which  attempted  to  con- 
quer the  r^on  about  the  Bio  de  la  Plate  in  1806 


"  OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE  "  17 

and  18C7  were  ako  frustrated  by  thia  aame  atub- 
born  loyalty.  When  the  Spanish  viceroy  fled,  the 
inhabitants  themselves  ra.iied  to  the  defense  of  the 
country  and  drove  out  the  invaders.  Thereupon 
the  people  of  Buenc  s  Aires,  assembled  in  cabildo 
oMerto,  or  town  meeting,  deposed  the  viceroy  and 
chose  their  victorious  leader  in  his  stead  until  a 
successor  could  be  regularly  appointed. 

Then,  in  1808,  fell  the  blow  which  was  to  shat- 
ter the  bonds  uniting  Spain  to  its  continental 
dominions  in  America.  The  discord  and  corrup- 
tion which  prevailed  in  that  u,nfortunate  countiy 
afforded  Napoleon  an  opportunity  to  oust  its  fee- 
ble king  and  his  incompetent  son,  Ferdinand, 
and  to  place  Joseph  Bonaparte  on  the  throne. 
But  the  master  of  Europe  underestimated  the 
fighting  ability  of  Spaniards.  Instead  of  humbly 
complying  with  his  mandate,  they  rose  in  arms 
against  the  usurper  and  created  a  central  junte, 
or  revolutionary  committee,  to  govern  in  the  name 
of  Ferdinand  VH,  as  their  rightful  ruler. 

The  news  of  this  French  aggression  aroused  in 
the  colonies  a  spirit  of  resistance  as  vehement  as 
that  in  the  mother  country.  Both  Spaniards  and 
Creoles  repudiated  the  "  intruder  king."  Believing, 
as  did  their  comrades  oversea,  that  Ferdinand  was 


Ml 


lit 


"  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

•I«^Ie«  victim  in  the  hand,  of  N.poleon.  thev 

««.t  .«m.  of  mon^  to  Spain  to  aid  in  the  rtruggfe 
•J"-t  t*e  French.  Envoy,  f„„  j^p^  3,^! 
parte  ««,king  an  acknowledgment  of  hi,  rule  we^ 
««nly  rejected  and  we«  forced  to  leave 

The  situation  on  both  side,  of  the  ocean  wa, 
now  an  extrao,din«y  one.  Ju,t  «,  the  Junta  Z 
^..n  had  no  legal  ri.ht  to  govern.  «.  the  officia^^ 

^m  a  deposed  king,  had  no  legal  authority,  and 
^e  people  would  not  allow  them  to  accept  ^w 
con.m«.„n,  from  a  usuiper.    The  Church   T 

dete,tmgNapoleona,theheirofa«volut7ottt' 
had  undermined  the  Catholic  faith  and  regarding 
''"  «  -  «od^-  despot  who  h«l  made  the  Po^ 
a  captive  reU.^  to  re«.gni^  the  P«„ch  p^ 
tender.    Untd  Ferdinand  VII  could  be  ..sto  J  to 

undl^th  V^^  "^  "^  ^^  "d'nimstration 
uml  r  ^e  gmdance  of  the  self-constituted  authori- 
ties m  Spam,  or  should  themselves  create  similar 
«at.on,  .n  each  of  the  colonies  to  take  char^ 

offilTT  ^'•''''™--"--«'avo,.dbyth^ 
official  element  and  its  supporters  among  the  con- 
-vative  clas^.  the  latter  hy  the  libe'ak   2 


"OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE  "  19 

felt  that  they  had  as  much  right  as  the  people  of 
the  mother  country  to  choose  the  form  of  govern- 
ment best  suited  to  their  interests. 

Each  party  viewed  the  other  with  distrust.  Dp- 
position  to  the  more  democratic  procedure,  it 
was  felt,  could  mean  nothing  less  than  secret  sub- 
mission to  the  pretensions  of  Joseph  Bonaparte; 
whereas  the  establishment  in  America  of  any  or- 
ganizations like  those  in  Spain  surely  indicated 
a  spirit  of  disloyalty  toward  Ferdinand  VII  him- 
self. Under  circumstances  like  these,  when  the 
junta  and  its  successor,  the  council  of  regency, 
refused  to  make  substantial  concessions  to  the 
colonies,  both  parties  were  inevitably  drifting  to- 
ward independence.  In  the  phrase  of  Manuel  Bel- 
grano,  one  of  the  great  leaders  in  the  viceroyalty 
of  La  Plata,  "our  old  King  or  none"  became  the 
watchword  that  gradually  shaped  the  thoughts  of 
Spanish  Americans. 

When,  therefore,  in  1810,  the  news  came  that 
the  French  army  had  overrun  Spain,  democratic 
ideas  so  long  cherished  in  secret  and  propagated  so 
industriously  by  Miranda  and  his  followers  at  last 
found  expression  in  a  series  of  uprisings  in  the  four 
viceroyalties  of  La  Plata,  Peru,  New  Granada,  and 
New  Spain.    But  in  each  of  these  viceroyalties 


II 


■     ii 


■I* 


»  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

tte  evolution  «„  .  diffe«.„t  cou«c.    SomeO-  :* 

•1.  H.  the  counter  district..    Among  tl,    «tud 
P«t.c,p„t.  in  the  various  movement.  veo^Sl^ 

d..med  obedience:  there  .  board  o/  .eM-cho.en 

ity.    To  add  to  thew  complicUon..  in  J81«.  a  rev 
o  uhonary  Corte..  or  legi^iative  body.  a^^bT^ 

^the  colome.  m  overwa  admini.traUon.  Since 
amngement.  of  thi.  «,rt  contented  many  of  ^^ 
Sp.m.h  Americans  who  had  prote.t7again^I 
ex«  mg  abuses,  they  were  quite  unwiUing  t^Z 
th«  gnevancesfurther.   Given  all  theTfviden^ 

find  .t  difficult  to  foresee  the  outcome. 
Q»  May  25   1810.  popular  agiution  at  Buenos 

vested  m  an  elected  jmita  that  was  to  govern  in 
eaiatejy.    The  northern  and  eastern  parts  of 


"OUB  OLD  KING  OB  NONE  "  «l 

the  vtceroyaltr  ;iiiowe<i  themaelvet  quite  unwilling 
to  obey  these  upstarU.  Meantime.  ui«ed  o«  by 
radicab  who  revived  the  Jacobin  doctrines  of  rev- 
olutionary France,  the  junta  strove  to  suppress 
in  rigorous  fashion  any  symptoms  of  disaffection; 
but  it  could  do  nothing  to  stem  the  tide  of  separa- 
tion in  the  rest  of  the  viceroyalty  —  in  Charcas 
(Bolivia),  Paraguay,  and  the  Bauda  Orient^],  or 
East  Bank,  of  the  Uruguay. 

At  Buenos  Aires  acute  difference  of  opinion  — 
about  the  extent  to  which  the  movement  should 
be  carried  and  about  the  permanent  form  of 
government  to  be  adopted  as  well  as  the  method 
of  establishing  it  —  produced  a  series  of  political 
commotions  little  short  of  anarchy.  Triumvirates 
followed  the  junta  into  power;  supreme  directors 
alternated  with  triumvirates;  and  constituent  as- 
semblies came  and  went.  Under  one  authority  or 
another  the  name  of  the  viceroyalty  was  changed 
to  "United  Provinces  of  La  PlaU  River";  a  seal,  a 
flag,  and  a  coat  of  arms  were  chosen;  and  numer- 
ous features  of  the  Spanish  regime  were  abolished, 
including  titles  of  nobility,  the  Inquisition,  the 
slave  trade,  and  restrictions  on  the  press.  But 
so  chaotic  were  the  conditions  within  and  so  dis- 
astrous the  campaigns  without,  that  eventually 


h 


V* 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

commissioners  were  sent  t«  v 

roy  of  Pen.:^::^';^: ';  r:^'  t-  -'^ 

AtAsunci6n,tl,eZitalT       T   ^'  ^•"'*^^"- 

-<i  a  recluse.  Z^S^Sr^"'""'"'''^ 
and  actuated  by  a  se2  „!  f  ^f"  "*  ^^''^^ 
««  wlio  mi«ht  ve„  ^P'a'^aWe  hatred  for 

-traordina^  pIC  *°  ^^"'^  ^"^  -".  tbs 
-ter  of  ^e  Ctr^^^'f  ^'  '"^^ 
^iieflyof  Ind,-ans"Sei„temn  "  ""^"^ 
»is.ive  for  man;  ZltoT^'T""""" '''''■ 
Wmissionarie7C^,^,  J,t™«^  ^l^  «>' 
^struments  in  his  hands    It  w  w'  '  *"''"* 

fo«.  Paraguay  decla^  ^^tf  W  *"f  °°'  *""" 
Spain  and  La  Plata     Th^f '"^^P^''«l««t  of  both 

^-  elected  P^cla  ll^f^  "'^'r  ^"°- 
iater  invested  him  .ilZ^e^,  dT^  "' 


"  OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE  "  «j 

the  revolutionary  government  in  Buenos  Aires,  was 
reunited  with  La  PlaU  in  1814.    Elsewhere  the 
people  of  the  province  followed  the  fortunes  of  Jos6 
Gervasio  Artigas,  an  able  and  valiant  cavalry  of- 
ficer, who  roamed  through  it  at  will,  bidding  de- 
fiance to  any  authority  not  his  own.    Most  of  the 
former  viceroyalty  of  La  Plata  had  thus,  to  all  in- 
tents and  purposes,  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  Spain. 
Chile  was  the  only  other  province  that  for  a 
while  gave  promise  of  similar  action.    Here  again 
it  was  the  capital  city  that  took  the  lead.    On  re- 
ceipt of  the  news  of  the  occurrences  at  Buenos 
Aires  in  May,  1810,  the  people  of  Santiago  forced 
the  captain  general  to  resign  and,  on  the  18th  of 
September,  replaced  him  by  a  junta  of  their  own 
choosing.  But  neither  this  body,  nor  its  successors, 
nor  even  the  Congress  that  assembled  the  following 
year,  could  establish  a  permanent  and  effective 
government.    Nowhere  in  Spanish  America,  per- 
haps, did  the  lower  classes  count  for  so  little,  and 
the  upper  class  for  so  much,  as  in  Chile.    Though 
the  great  landholders  were  disposed  to  favor  a  rea- 
sonable amount  of  local  autonomy  for  the  country, 
they  refused  to  heed  the  demands  of  the  radi- 
cals for  complete  independence  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  republic.   Accordingly,  in  proportion  as 


Si,;  I 


**  ™E  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

««5  Anaes  to  the  western  part  of  Ij.  PIo* 
where  they  found  hospitable  «fuge  **' 

-.ocipatio.  asr:t:;:-r^:;^f ^^^^ 

Learning  of  the  catastrnphe  that  h^ 7 .  ^  *' 
-other  county,  the  leaSing^t'^  of  r  *"' 
acting  in  coniunction  with  tlf     ^r?  ""*''"• 

captain  geneL]  o:  Ip^.f  j"^' ^^'-^-^ ««« 

junta  in  Us  stead     n  ',  ""^  ""**^*'  * 

foiiowedbyn.:?t^,^^'^::;-^\-<^--c% 

province     Tl,.        L  divisions  of  the 

a  Cong^ss.  o^  ZT'ZZ,T"^'^'' 
independentofSpai  c!  J  "^  ^*"'^^* 
enthusiasm  of  ^e  !„,  "        ^^''^'  "^^  ^y  ">e 

-erunprepld'lrrZUTr*'^ 

.«^;^ao^^-::'^---^i.e 

Neither  M.anda  nor  his  youthful  coadiutor. 


•    "ODB  OLD  KING  OR  NONE"  ts 

Siin6n  Bolfvar,  soon  to  become  famous  in  the 
annala  of  Spanish  American  history,  approved  of 
this  plunge  into  democracy.    Ardent  as  their  pa- 
triotism was,  they  knew  that  the  countiy  needed 
centralized  control  and  not  experiments  in  con- 
federation or  theoretical  liberty.    They  speedily 
found  out,  also,  that  they  could  not  count  on  the 
support  of  the  people  at  large.    Then,  almost  as  if 
Natureherself  disapproved  of  the  whole  proceeding, 
a  frightful  earthquake  in  the  following  year  shook 
many  a  Venezuelan  town  into  ruins.    Everywiiere 
the  royalists  took  heart.    Dissensions  broke  out 
between  Miranda  and  his  subordinates.   Betrayed 
into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  the  old  warrior  him- 
self was  sent  away  to  die  in  a  Spanish  dungeon. 
And  so  the  "earthquake"  republic  collapsed. 

But  the  rigorous  measures  adopted  by  the  royal- 
ists to  sustain  their  triumph  enabled  Bolivar  to 
renew  the  struggle  in  1813.  He  entered  upon  a 
campaign  which  was  signalized  by  acts  of  barbarity 
on  both  sides.  His  declaration  of  "war  to  the 
death"  was  answered  in  kind.  Wholesale  slaugh- 
ter of  prisoners,  indiscriminate  pillage,  and  wanton 
destruction  of  property  spread  terr.i  and  desola- 
tion throughout  the  coun+ry.  Acclaimed  "Libera- 
tor of  Venezuela  "  and  made  dictator  by  the  people 


( ■' ' 


^i 


.!   ' 


(  ,    hi 

■     '41 


'!      :>'i 


J''- 


\  m 


««  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  Caracas.  Bolivar  strove  in  vain  to  overcome  the 
half-savage  Uaneros.  or  cowboys  of  the  plains,  who 
despised  the  innovating  aristocrats  of  the  capital. 
Though  he  won  a  few  victories,  he  did  not  make 
the  cause  of  independence  popular,  and,  realizmg 
his  failure,  he  retired  into  New  Granada. 

In  this  region  an  astounding  series  of  revolutions 
and  counter-revolutions  had  taken  place.     Un- 
mindful of  pleas  for  cooperation,  the  Creole  lead- 
ers in  town  and  district,  from  1810  onward,  seized 
control  of  aflfairs  in  a  fashion  that  betokened  a 
speedy  disintegration  of  the  country.   Though  the 
viceroy  was  deposed  and  a  general  Congress  was 
summoned  to  meet  at  the  capital.  Bogotd,  efforts 
at  centralization  encountered  opposition  in  every 
quarter.    Only  the  royalists  managed  to  preserve 
a  semblance  of  unity.    Separate  republics  sprang 
mto  being  and  in  1813  declared  their  independence 
of  Spain.    Presidents  and  congresses  were  pitted 
against  one  another.    Towns  fought  among  them- 
selves.   Even  parishes  demanded  local  autonomy. 
For  a  while  the  services  of  Bolivar  were  invoked  to 
force  rebellious  areas  into  obedience  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  confederation,  but  with  scant  result.    Un- 
able to  agree  with  his  fellow  officers  and  displaying 
traits  of  moral  weakness  wWch  at  this  Ume  a^  on 


il 


■'OUR  OLD  KING  OR  NONE"  87 

previous  occasions  showed  that  he  had  not  yet 
risen  to  a  full  sense  of  responsibility,  the  Liberator 
renounced  the  task  and  fled  to  Jamaica. 

The  scene  now  shifts  northward  to  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Spain.    Unlike  the  struggles  al- 
ready described,  the  uprisings  that  began  in  1810 
in  central  Mexico  -ere  substantially  revolts  of 
j  Indians  and  half-castes  against  white  domination, 
i  On  the  16th  of  September,  a  crowd  of  natives  rose 
under  the  leadership  of  Miguel  ffidalgo,  a  parish 
priest  of  the  village  of  Dolores.    Bearing  on  their 
banners  the  slogan,  "Long  live  Ferdinand  VII  and 
down  with  bad  government,"  the  undisciplined 
crowd,  soon  to  number  tecs  of  thousands,  aroused 
such  terror  by  their  behavior  that  the  whites  were 
compelled  to  unite  in  self-d'>fense.    It  mattered 
not  whether  Hidalgo  hoped  to  establish  a  repub- 
lic or  simply  to  s>>cure  for  his  followers  re.    f  from 
oppression:  in  either  case  the  whites  could  expect 
only  Indian  domination.  Before  the  trained  forces 
of  the  whites  a  horde  of  natives,  so  ignorant  of 
modem  warfare  that  some  of  them  tried  to  stop 
cannon  balls  by  clapping  their  straw  hats  over 
the  mouths  of  the  guns,  could  not  stand  their 
ground.    Hidalgo  was  captured  and  shot,  but  he 
was  succeeded  by  Jose  Maria  Morelos,  also  a 


ft 

ill 


^  !« 


f    I 


■# 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

priest.  Reviving  the  old  Aatec  name  for  central 
Mexico,  he  summoned  a  "Congress  of  An6huac," 
which  m  1818  asserted  that  dependence  on  the 
throne  of  Spain  was  "forever  broken  and  dis- 
solved."  Abler  and  more  humane  than  Hidalgo, 
he  set  up  a  revolutionary  government  that  the  au- 
thorities of  Mexico  failed  for  a  while  to  suppress. 

In  1814,  therefore.  Spain  still  held  the  bulk  of 
its  dominions.  Trinidad,  to  be  sure,  had  been  lost 
to  Great  Britain,  and  both  Louisiana  and  West 
Florida  to  the  United  States.  Royalist  control, 
furthermore,  had  ceased  in  parts  of  the  vice- 
royalties  of  La  Plata  and  New  Granada.  To  regain 
Trmidad  and  Louisiana  was  hopeless;  but  a  wise 
policy  of  conciliation  or  an  overwhelming  display 
of  armed  force  might  yet  restore  Spanish  rule  where 
it  had  been  merely  suspended. 

Very  different  was  the  course  of  events  in  Brazil. 
Strangely  enough,  the  first  impulse  toward  inde^ 

pendence  was  given  by  thePortuguese  royal  family. 
Terrified  by  the  prospective  invasion  of  the  coun- 
try by  a  French  army,  late  in  1807  the  Prince  Re- 
gent, the  royal  family,  and  a  host  of  Portuguese 
nobles  and  commoners  took  passage  on  Brit- 
ish vessels  and  sailed  to  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Brazil 
thereupon  became  the  seat  of  royal  government 


i  ?.■, 


«8 


bf  St 


ot  art! 


'■'^' *^"' ni'  '»*•  fw  centra! 

"gr««3  «^  An^huac, " 

'in»»-:vkn<*  on  tie 
jIo  was  "  J    1. 

'  Had  dis- 

'    ■  -*"'*  than  Hid»Igo, 

•'■OHJcnt  thai  'he  au- 
•;«•«•  fa.l,,^i  Tor  «  while  to  supprt-ss. 
■■'•fore.  Spain  sliil  held  the  bulk  of 
!  n'nidad,  to  bo  sure,  had  been  lost 
■d  t>oth  Louisiana  and  West 
MW.  «H  ««  s.«Aj<«bi<RMBlfe,4^t  control. 
■i«i^m)ni«M   i.atis  of  the.  vicB- 
■  !a.    To  regain 
s;  but  a  wise 
•  iffljng  display 
^ixk  rule  where 


^  I  Brazil. 

■  fi''^*-  iWir"-'i->  toH^ard  inde- 
pti..  .  ^,^,,,„  ny  the  Portuguese  royal  family, 
iernfi^d  by  the  pr...i.ective  inva.sion  of  the  coun- 
iry  by  a  Prrach  army,  late  in  1807  the  Prince  Re- 
gent, the  royal  fa.nily.  and  a  host  of  Portugue,.«. 
nobles  and  coin,  -.nc-rs  took  na.-.u-.  on  Brit- 
uh  vessels  i>-   '  „ 

,.  ,  Brazil 

tnereupon  b,  <  itjj 

uuicnt 


\^ 


■i  i\ 


<?l 


"  OVR  OLD  KING  OE  NONE  "  t» 

and  immediatety  tMumed  an  importance  whkli  It 
oonW  never  have  attained  a>  «  mere  dependent^. 
Acting  under  the  advice  of  the  Britidi  minister,  the 
Prince  Regent  threw  open  the  porte  of  the  colony 

to  the  ahipi  of  all  naUoM  friendly  to  Portugal,  gave 
hii  lanrtion  to  a  variety  of  reforms  beneficial  to 
commerce  and  industry,  and  even  permitted  a 
printing  press  to  be  set  up.  though  only  for  official 
purposes.    From  all  these  benevolent  acUvities 
Brazil  derived  great  advantages.    On  the  other 
hand,  the  Prince  Regent's  avenion  to  popular 
education  or  anything  that  might  savor  of  democ- 
racy  and  the  greed  of  his  foUowers  for  place  and 
distinction  alienated  his  colonial  subjerts.    They 
could  not  fail  to  contrast  autocracy  in  Brazil  with 
the  liberal  ideas  that  had  made  headway  elsewbe- 
m  Spanish  America.    As  a  consequence  a  spirit  of 
unrest  arose  which  boded  ill  for  the  maintenance 
of  Portuguese  rule. 


1     ■ 

r,' 

' 

i' 

t 

(. 

■1 

r 


r     I 


'u 


0 


I 


CHAPTER  m 

"tNDKPBNOIINCS  OR  OKATH" 

TH.re.tor.tion  of  Pe,din«.d  VII  to  hi.  th«»e 

,       *\"  *^«  '«y*K8t8  of  8p«,irf:  America,  to 
hope  that  the  "old  King"  would  now  g.^t  . 
newdispen«tion.    Freedom  of  commerce  «„d  ! 
fair  measure  of  popular  rep«.enUtion  in  govern- 
-ent^.  wa.  believed,  would  comp.-„..tT bo^ 
the  mother  country  for  the  .uffering  which  it 
had  undergone  during  the  Pemn.ular  War  and 
the  colon.es  for  the  triak  to  which  loyalty  had 
^  3ub,«.ed.    But  Ferdinand  VII  wl  a'tv^ 
^^Bourbon.    Nothing  le«  than  an  absolute'l 
ertabhjhm^t  of  the  earlier  rtgime  would  .ati^ 
him.    Onbod.«d«.oftheAtl«.tic.therefore.S 
hberal.  were  forced  into  oppo.iUon  to  the  cn^w^ 

was  to  be  the  fortune  of  the  Spanish  Americans 

90 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "         31 

•nd  •  conUnuance  of  dopotum,  for  a  white,  the 
lot  of  the  Spaniaids. 

Am  the  region  of  the  viceroyalty  of  La  Plata 
had  been  the  first  to  caat  off  the  authority  of 
the  home  goveniment.  so  it  was  the  fir^t  to  com- 
plete its  separaUon  from  Spain.    Despite  the  fact 
that  disorder  was  rampant  everywhere  and  that 
most  of  the  local  districts  could  not  or  would 
not  send  depuUes,  a  congress  that  assembled  at 
Tucumto  voted  on  July  9,  1816,  to  declare  the 
"United  Provinces  in  South  America"  independ- 
ent.   Comprehensive  though  the  expression  was, 
it  appUed  only  to  the  central  part  of  the  former 
viceroyalty.  and  even  there  it  was  little  more 
than  /.n  aspiration.    Mistrust  of  the  authorities 
at  Buenos  Aires,  insistence  upon  provincial  auton- 
omy, failure  to  agree  upon  a  particular  kind  of 
republican  fccv.-mment.  and  a  hngering  indina- 
Uon  to  monarchy  made  progress  toward  national 
unity  impossible.    In  1819,  to  be  sure,  a  con- 
stituUon  was  adopted,  providing  for  a  centralised 
government,  but  in  the  country  at  large  it  encoun- 
tered too  much  resistance  from  those  who  favored 
a  federal  government  to  become  effective. 

In  the  Banda  Oriental,  over  most  of  which  Arti- 
gas  and  his  horsemen  held  sway,  chaotic  conditions 


*■  ' 


it 


IV 


u 


88  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

invited  aggression  from  the  direction  of  Brazil 
This  East  Bank  of  the  Uruguay  had  long  beendisi 
puted  territory  between  Spain  and  Portugal;  and 
now  Its  definite  acquisition  by  the  latter  seemed 
an  easy  undertaking.  Instead,  however,  the  task 
turned  out  to  be  a  truly  formidable  one.  Monte- 
video, feebly  defended  by  the  forces  of  the  Gov- 
ermnent  at  Buenos  Aires,  soon  capitulated,  but 
four  years  elapsed  before  the  rest  of  the  country 
could  be  subdued.  Artigas  fled  to  Paraguay 
where  he  fell  into  the  clutches  of  Praacia.  never  U, 
escape.  In  1821  the  Banda  Oriental  was  amiexed 
to  Brazil  as  the  Cisplatine  Province. 

Over  Paraguay  that  grim  and  somber  potentate 
known  as  "The  Supreme  One"- El  Supremo- 
presided  with  iron  hand.    In  1817  Francia  set  up 
a  despotism  unique  in  the  annals  of  South  America 
Fearful  lest  contact  with  the  outer  world  might 
weaken  his  tenacious  grip  upon  his  subjects,  whom 
he  terrorized  into  obedience,  he  barrtsd  approach 
to  the  country  and  suffered  no  one  to  leave  it.    He 
organized  and  drilled  an  army  obedient  to  his 
will.    When  he  went  forth  by  day.  attended  by  an 
escort  of  cavalry,  the  door«  and  windows  of  houses 
had  to  be  kept  closed  and  no  one  was  aUowed  on 
the  street..    Night  he  spent  tiU  a  late  hour  in 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "  S8 
reading  and  study,  changing  his  bedroom  fre- 
quently to  avoid  assassination.  Religious  func- 
tions that  might  disturb  the  public  peace  he 
forbade.  Compelling  the  bishop  of  Asunci6n  to 
resign  on  account  of  senile  debility,  Francia  himself 
BMumed  the  episcopal  office.  Even  intermarriage 
among  the  old  colonial  families  he  prohibited,  so 
as  to  reduce  all  to  a  common  social  level.  He  at- 
tained his  object.  Paraguay  became  a  quiet  state, 
whatever  might  be  said  of  its  neighbors! 

Elsewhere  in  sou;    jrn  Spanish  America  a  bril- 
liant feat  of  arms  brought  to  the  fore  its  most 
distinguished  soldier.    This  was  Jos6  de  San  Mar- 
tin of  La  Plata.    Like  Miranda,  he  had  been  an 
officer  in  the  Spanish  army  and  had  returned  to  his 
native  land  an  ardent  apostle  of  independence. 
Quick  to  realize  the  fact  that,  so  long  as  Chile 
remained  under  royalist  control,  the  possibility 
of  an  attack  from  that  quarter  was  a  constant 
menace  to  the  safety  of  the  newly  constituted 
republic,  he  conceived  the  bold  plan  of  organizmg 
near  the  western  frontier  an  army  —  composed 
partly  of  Chilean  refugees  and  partly  of  his  own 
countrymen— with  which  he  proposed  to  cross 
the  Andes  and  meet  the  enemy  on  his  own  ground. 
Among  these  fugitives  was  the  able  and  valiant 


hi 


m'\ 


if  i1 


■it 


m 


,1 


1 


h 


-«., 


i 

w 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Bernardo  O'Higgins,  «,n  of  an  Irish  officer  who 
had  been  viceroy  of  Peru.  CoCperaUng  with 
O  H^gins.  San  Martin  fixed  his  headquarters  at 
Mendoza  and  began  to  gather  and  train  the 
four  thousand  men  whom  he  judged  needful  for 
the  enterprise. 

By  Januao-.  1817.  the  "Army  of  the  Andes"  was 
ready.    To  cross  the  mountains  meant  to  transport 
men.  horses,  artillery,  and  stores  to  an  alUtude  of 
thirteen  thousand  feet,  where  the  Uspallata  Pass 
afforded  an  outlet  to  Chilean  soil.    This  pass  was 
nearly  a  mile  higher  than  the  Great  St.  Bernard 
m  the  Alps,  the  crossing  of  which  gave  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  such  renown.    On  the  12th  of  Febru- 
«y  the  hosts  of  San  Martin  hurled  themselves 
upon  the  royalists  entrenched  on  the  slopes  of 
Chacabuco  and  routed  them  utterly.    The  battle 
proved  decisive  not  of  the  fortunes  of  Chile  alone 
but  of  those  of  all  Spanish  South  America     As 
a  viceroy  of  Peru  later  confessed,  "it  marked  the 
moment  when  the  cause  of  Spain  in  the  Indies 
began  to  recede. " 

Named  supreme  director  by  the  people  of  San- 
tiago. O'Higgins  fought  vigorously  though  ineffec- 
tually to  drive  out  the  royalists  who.  reinforced 
from  Peru,  held  the  region  south  of  the  capital 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "  35 
Ilat  he  failed  did  not  deter  him  from  having  a  vote 
taken  under  military  auspices,  on  the  strength  of 
which,  on  February  12, 1818.  he  declared  Chile  an 
independent  nation,  the  date  of  the  proclamation 
being  changed  to  the  1st  of  January,  so  as  to  make 
the  inauguration  of  the  new  era  coincident  with 
the  entry  of  the  new  year.  San  Martin,  meanwhile, 
had  been  collecting  reinforcements  with  which  to 

strike  the  final  blow.    On  the  Sth  of  April,  the 

Battle  of  Maipo  gave  him  the  victoiy  he  desired. 

Except  for  a  few  isolated  points  to  the  southward, 

the  power  of  Spain  had  fallen. 

Until  the  fall  of  Napoleon  in  1816  it  had  been 
the  native  loyalists  who  had  supported  the  cause 
of  the  mother  country  in  the  Spanish  dominions. 
Henceforth,  free  from  the  menace  of  the  Euro- 
pean dictator.  Spain  could  look  to  her  affairs  in 
America,  and  during  the  next  three  years  dis- 
patched twenty-five  thousand  men  to  bring  the 
colonies  to  obedience.     These  soldiers  began  their 
task  in  the  northern  part  of  South  America, 
and  there  they  ended  it  — in  failure.     To  this 
failure  the  defection  of  native  royalists  contrib- 
uted, for  they  were  alienated   not  so  much  by 
the  presence  of  the  Spanish  troops  as  by  the 


IS 


Vf* 


1 

M 

1       ; 

Wl 

'  '' 

m 

t     1 

'if' 


m 


8«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

often  memless  severity  th  »  marked  their  con- 
duct The  atrociUes  may  have  been  provoked  by 
the  behavior  of  their  opponent.;  but.  be  this  as  it 

may.thepatriots  gained  recruits  after  each  victoiy 
A  Spanish  army  of  more  than  ten  thousand, 
under  the  command  of  Pablo  Morillo.  arrived 
in  Venezuela  in  April.  1815.  He  fomid  the  prov- 
ince relatively  tranquil   .nd  even  disposed  to 
welcome  the  full  ^^torution  of  «,yal  govern- 
ment.   Leaving  a  garrison  sufficient  for  thepu^ 
pose  of  military  occupation.  Morillo  sailed  for 
Cartagena,  the  key  to  New  Granada.    Besieged 
by  land  and  sea.  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
maintained  for  upwards  of  three  months  a  resist- 
ance which,  in  its  heroism,  privation,  and  sacri- 
fice recalled  the  memorable  defense  of  Saragossa 
m  the  mother  country  against  the  French  seven 
years  before.    W-U  Cartagena  taken,  regulars 
and  loyalist,  united  to  stamp  out  the  rebeUion 
eUewhere.  At  Bogoti.  in  particular,  the  new  Span- 
«h  viceroy  installed  by  MoriUo  waged  a  savage 
war  on  all  suspected  of  aiding  the  patriot  caZ 
He  did  not  spare  even  women,  and  one  of  his  vic- 
tana  was  a  young  heroine.  Polica^Ja  SalavarrieU 
byname.    Though  for  her  e^ecuUon  three  thou- 
sand soldiers  were  detailed,  the  girl  was  unterrified 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OB  DEATH  "  87 
by  her  doom  and  was  earnestly  beseeching  the  loy- 
alisU  among  them  to  turn  their  arms  against  the 
enemies  of  their  countiy  when  a  voUey  stretched 
her  lifeless  on  the  ground. 

Meanwhile  BoMvar  had  been  fitting  out.  in  Haiti 
and  in  the  Dutch  island  of  Curagao.  an  expedition 
to  take  up  anew  the  work  of  freeing  Venezuela. 
Hardly  had  the  Liberator  landed  in  May,  1818 
when  dissensions  with  his  fellow  officers  frustrated 
any  prospect  of  success.    Indeed  they  obliged  him 
to  seek  refuge  once  more  in  Haiti.    Eventually, 
however,  most  of  the  patriot  leaders  became  con- 
vmced  that,  if  they  were  to  entertain  a  hope  of 
success,  they  must  entrust  their  fortunes  to  Bolivar 
as  supreme  commander.    Their  chances  of  success 
were  mcreased  furthermore  by  the  support  of  the 
Uaneros  who  had  been  won  over  to  the  cause  of 
independence.     Under   their  redoubtable  chief- 
tarn.  Jos6  Antonio  Ptez,  these  fierce  and  ruthless 
horsemen  performed  many  a  feat  of  valor  in  the 
campaigns  which  foUowed. 

Once  agun  on  Venezuelan  soil.  Bolivar  deter- 
mmed  to  transfer  his  operations  to  the  eastern 
part  of  the  countiy.  which  seemed  to  offer  better 
strategic  advantages  than  the  region  about  Cara- 
cas.  But  even  here  the  jealousy  of  his  officers,  the 


oMi 


ciji 


^t. 


1 


■«!;; 


38  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

iMubordination  of  the  free  lances,  the  stubborn  re- 
sistance  of  the  loyalists-  ipheld  by  the  wealthy 
aiid  conservative  classes  and  the  able  generalship 
of  Monllo.  who  had  returned  from  New  Granada 
-  made  the  situation  of  the  Liberator  aU  through 
1817  and  1818  extremely  precarious.    Happily  for 
his  fading  fortunes,  his  hands  were  strengthened 
«.m  abroad.    The  United  States  had  rec<«nized 
the  belligerency  of  several  of  the  revdlutionary  gov- 
ernments in  South  America  and  had  sent  diplo- 
matic agents  to  them.    Great  Britain  had  blocked 
every  attempt  of  Ferdinand  VII  to  obtain  help 
from  the  Holy  Alliance  in  reconquering  his  domin- 
ions.    And  Ferdinand  had  contributed  to  his  own 
undoing  by  failing  to  heed  the  urgent  requests 
of  Monllo  for  reinforcements  to  fill  his  dwindling 
ranks    More  decisive  still  were  the  services  of  some 
five  thousand  British.  Irish,  French,  and  German 
volunteers,  who  were  often  the  mainstay  of  BoHvar 
and  his  lieutenants  during  the  later  phases  of  the 
struggle,  both  in  Venezuela  and  elsewhere. 

For  some  time  the  Liberator  had  been  evolving  a 
plan  of  attack  upon  the  royalists  in  New  Granada, 
similar  to  the  offensive  campaign  which  San  Mar- 
tin had  conducted  in  Chile.  More  than  that,  he 
had  conceived  the  idea,  once  independence  had 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OB  DEATH  "  30 
been  attained,  of  uniting  the  western  part  of  the 
viceroyalty  with  Venezuela  into  a  single  repubUc. 
The  latter  plan  he  laid  down  before  a  Congiess 
which  assembled  at  Angostura  in  February,  1819. 
and  which  promptly  chose  him  President  of  the  re- 
public and  vested  him  with  the  powers  of  dictator. 
In  June,  at  the  head  of  2100  Len,  he  started  on  his 
perilous  journey  over  the  Andes. 

Up  through  the  passes  and  across  bleak  plateaus 
the  Uttle  army  struggled  till  it  reached  the  banks  of 
the  rivulet  of  Boyac6,  in  the  very  heart  of  New 
Granada.    Here,  on  the  7th  of  August,  Bolivar  in- 
flicted on  the  royalist  forces  a  tremendous  defeat 
that  gave  the  deathblow  to  the  domination  of 
Spain  in  northern  South  America.    On  his  trium- 
phal return  to  Angostura,  the  Congress  signalized 
the  victory  by  declaring  the  whole  of  the  viceroy- 
alty an  independent  state  under  the  name  of  the 
"Republic  of  Colombia"  and  chose  the  Liberator 
as  its  provisional  President.    Two  years  later, 
a  fundamental  law  it  had  adopted  was  ratified 
with  certain  changes  by  another  Congress  assem- 
bled at  Rosario  de  CJicuta,  and  Bolivar  was  made 
pnmanent  President. 

Southward  of  Colombia  lay  the  viceroyalty  of 
Peru,  the  oldest,  richest,  and  most  conservative 


41" 


.11 


I     '  I 


*0  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  the  Isiyer  Spanish  dominion,  on  the  continent 
Intact,  except  for  the  Ion  of  Chile,  it  had  found 
territorial  oompenrntion  by  .tietchmg  iu  power 
over  the  province,  of  Quito  and  Charca.,  the  one 
wrenched  off  from  the  former  New  Granada,  the 
other  torn  away  from  what  had  been  La  Plata. 
Predommantiy  royali.t  in  wsntiment,  it  was  like  a 
huge  wedge  thrust  m  between  the  two  independent 
areas.  By  thus  cutting  off  the  patriote  of  the  north 
from  their  comrades  in  the  south,  it  threatened 
both  with  destruction  of  their  liberty. 

Again  fortune  intervened  from  abroad,  this  time 
direcUy  from  Spain  itself.  Ferdinand  VH.  who 
had  gathered  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  at 
Cadiz,  was  ready  to  deliver  a  crushing  blow  at  the 

colomes  when  inJanuary,1820.amutiny  among  the 
troops  and  revolution  throughout  the  country  en- 
tirely  frustrated  the  pkn.    But  although  that  re- 
actionaiy  monarch  was  compelled  to  accept  the 
Constitution  of  1812.  the  Spanish  Uberals  were  un- 
wilhng  to  concede  to  their  f eUows  in  America  any- 
thing more  substantial  tiian  representetion  in  tiie 
Cortes.    Independence  tiiey  would  not  tolerate 
On  ti,e  other  hand,  the  example  of  ti,e  motiier 
country  in  a.- js  against  its  King  in  the  name  of 
Kberty  could  not  fail  to  give  heart  to  ti,e  cause 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OB  DEATH  "         41 

of  liberaUon  in  the  provinces  oversea  and  to  hasten 
its  achievement. 

The  first  important  efforts  to  profit  by  this  sit- 
uation were  made  by  the  patriots  in  Chile.   Both 
San  Martin  and  O'Higgins  had  perceived  that  the 
only  effective  way  to  eliminate  the  Peruvian  wedge 
was  to  gain  control  of  its  approaches  by  sea.    The 
Chileans  had  already  won  some  success  in  this  di- 
rection when  the  fiery  and  imperious  Scotch  sailor. 
Thomas  Cochrane,  Earl  of  Dundonald,  appeared 
on  the  scene  and  offered  to  organize  a  navy.    At 
length  a  squadron  was  put  under  his  command. 
With  upwards  of  four  thousand  troops  in  charge  of 
San  Martin  the  expedition  set  saU  for  Peru  late  in 
August,  1820. 

While  Cochrane  busied  himself  in  destroying  the 
Spanish  blockade,  his  comrade  in  arms  marched  up 
to  the  very  gates  of  Lima,  the  capital,  and  every- 
where aroused  enthusiasm  for  emancipation.  When 
negotiations,  which  had  been  begun  by  the  viceroy 
and  continued  by  a  special  commissioner  from 
Spain,  failed  to  swerve  the  patriot  leader  from 
his  demand  for  a  recognition  of  independence, 
the  royalists  decided  to  evacuate  the  town  and  to 
withdraw  into  the  mountainous  region  of  the  inte- 
rior.   San  Martin,  thereupon,  entered  the  capital 


>      » -  f 


t'.'h 


i..  ■ 


;■•!! 


'■•■■ 


II 


*»  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

•t  the  head  of  his  anny  of  h-bention  and  sum- 
moned the  inhabitants  to  a  town  meeting  at 
which  they  might  determine  for  themselves  what 
«Uon  should  be  taken.  The  result  was  easily  fow- 
«en.  On  July  «8. 1881,  Peru  was  declared  inde- 
pendent, and  a  few  days  later  San  Martin  was 
invested  with  supreme  command  under  the  Utle 
of  "Protector." 

But  the  triumph  of  the  new  Protector  did  not 
last  long.    For  some  reason  he  failed  to  understand 
that  the  withdrawal  of  the  royalists  from  the 
neighborhood  of  the  coast  was  merely  .  strategic 
retreat  that  made  the  occupation  of  the  coital 
a  more  or  less  empty  performance.    This  blunder 
and  a  variety  of  other  mishaps  proved  destined 
to  blight  his  miUtary  career.    Unfortunate  in  the 
choice  of  his  subordinates  and  unable  to  retain  their 
confidence;  accused  of  irresolution  and  even  of 
cowardice;  abandoned  by  Cochrane,  who  sailed 
off  to  Chile  and  left  the  army  stranded;  incapable 
of  restraining  his  soldiers  from  indulgence  in  the 
pleasures  of  Lima;  now  severe,  now  lax  in  an  ad- 
mmistration  that  alienated  the  sympathies  of  the 
mfluential  class,  San  Martin  was  indeed  an  un- 
happy figure.    It  soon  became  clear  that  he  must 
abandon  aU  hope  of  ever  conquering  the  citadel  of 


It  , 


■  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "         43 
Spanish  power  in  South  America  unku  he  could 
prevail  upon  Bolivar  to  help  him. 
A  junction  of  the  force,  of  the  two  great  Ie«le« 

w-pwfecUy  feasible,  after  the  la.timportaatfoot. 
holdof  the8pam„d.onthecoa.tof  Veneniela  had 
been  broken  by  the  Battle  of  Carabobo.on  July  «4. 
1881 .    Whether  «uch  a  union  would  be  made,  how- 
ever, depended  upon  two  things:  the  ultimate  di.- 
po..t»n  of  the  province  uf  Quito,  lying  between 
Colombia  and  Peru,  and  the  attitude  which  Bolivar 
and  San  Martin  themselves  should  assume  toward 
e«ch  other.    A  revolution  of  the  previous  year  at 
the  seaport  town  of  Guayaquil  in  that  province 
had  installed  an  independent  govermnent  which 
besought  the  Liberator  to  sustain  iu  existence. 
Prompt  to  avail  himself  of  so  auspicious  an  oppor- 
tunity of  umting  this  former  division  of  the  viceroy . 
a^ty  of  New  Granada  to  his  republic  of  Colombia. 

Bolivar  appomted  Antonio  Jo.6de  Sucre,  his  ablest 
lieutenant  and  probably  the  most  efficient  of  all 
Spanuih  American  soldiers  of  the  time,  to  assume 
charge  of  the  campaign.  On  his  arrival  at  Guaya- 
qml.  thu  officer  found  the  inhabitants  at  odds 
among  themselves.  Some,  hearkening  to  the 
P^eas  of  an  ^ent  of  San  Martin,  favored  union 
with  Peru;  others,  yielding  to  the  arguments  of  a 


r/. 


.  » 


II 


I.  i ' 


"if 


In 


«•  THB  HBPANIC  NATK)NS 

fWnUUve  of  BoKvw,  uiied  Maewtion  to  Co- 
lombl.;  rtiUotheri  Ngwded  .bMhite  independence 
«  mort  dednbb.     Under  thew  drcnnutoace, 
Sucre  for  •  while  n»de  little  hewlwajr  «,«iMt  the 
royalirt,  concentntwl  in  the  mountaiooiu  pvu  of 
the  country,  detpjte  the  jMrti.!  eupporthe  receivwl 
from  tioop.  which  were  lent  by  the  aouthem  pom- 
n»nder.    At  length,  on  May  84. 18W,  ecding  the 
flanks  of  the  volcMo  of  Plchinch..  near  the  cq>it«l 
town  of  Quito  it«lf,  he  delivewd  the  blow  for 
freedom.    Here  Bolivar,  who  had  fought  hia  way 
overland  amid  tremendou.  difficulties,  joined  him 
•nd  started  for  Guayaquil,  where  he  and  San 
Martin  were  to  hold  their  memorable  interview 

No  characters  in  Spanish  American  Listoiy  have 
called  forth  so  much  controveisy  about  their  re- 
"pective  merits  and  demerite  as  these  two  heroes  of 
independence-BolIvarandSanJlartln.    Even 
now  it  seems  qm^te  unpossible  to  obtain  from  the 
admirers  of  either  an  opinion  that  does  full  justice 
to  both;  and  foreigners  who  venture  to  pass  judg- 
ment are  almost  certain  to  provoke  criticism  from 
one  set  of  partisans  or  the  other.  Both  Bolivar  and 
San  Martin  were  sons  of  country  gentlemen,  aristo- 
cratic by  lineage  and  devoted  to  the  cause  of  inde- 
pendence.   Bolivar  was  alert,  dauntiess.  brilliant. 


"INDEPENDENCE  OB.  DEATH  "         «a 
in^Mtooua.  vdManently  patriotic,  and  yrt  often  ca- 
pricioiu,  domineering,  vain.  oitenUUoiu,  and  dis- 
dainful of  moral  oonaiderationa — a  maaterf ul  man. 
fertile  in  btellect.  fluent  in  ■peech  and  with  pen. 
an  inspiring  leader  and  one  bom  to  command  in 
•Ute  and  army.    Quite  a«  eameit      ,u;.!iy  cou- 
Mgeouf,  and  upholding  in  prival    li     «  ;,,    ur 
•tandard  of  morals,  San  Martr.   ^^s  -,:..tJ\eiv 
cahn.  cautious,  ahnost  tadtu.n  u   maun  r,  nnr! 
slower  in  thought  and  action.    Ih  vu.  r  r.in„ruv  a 
soldier,  fitted  to  organize  and  toiiduct .  x  o-dltu.ns, 
rather  than  a  man  endowed  with  tiia  t  sui.remo  -   .j- 
fidence  in  himself  which  brings  entha-"     •.,  afttc- 
tion,  and  loyalty  in  its  train. 

When  San  Martin  arrived  at  Guayaquil,  late  in 
July,  1822,  his  hope  of  annexing  the  province  of 
Quito  to  Peru  was  rudely  shattered  by  the  news 
that  BoBvar  had  already  declared  it  a  part  of 
Colombia.    Though  it  was  outwardly  cordial  and 
even  effusive,  the  meeting  of  the  two  men  held  out 
no  prospect  of  accord.    In  an  interchange  of  views 
wWch  lasted  butafew  hours,  mutualsuspidon,  jeal- 
ousy, and  resentment  prevented  their  reaching  an 
effecUve  understanding.    The  Protector,  it  would 
seem,  thought  the  Liberator  actuated  by  abound- 
less  ambition  that  would  not  endure  resistance. 


W  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

BoKvar  fancied  San  Martin  a  crafty  schemer  plot- 
ting for  his  own  advancement.     They  failed  to 
■gree  on  the  three  fundamental  points  essential  to 
theirfurthercofiperation.    Bolivar  declined  to  give 
up  the  province  of  Quito.    He  refused  also  to  send 
an  army  into  Peru  unless  he  could  command  it  in 
person,  and  then  he  declined  to  undertake  the  ex- 
pedition on  the  ground  that  as  President  of  Colom- 
biahe  ought  not  to  leave  the  territoiy  of  the  repub- 
lic.   Divining  this  pretext.  San  Martin  offered  to 
serve  under  his  orders  —  a  feint  that  BoMvar  par- 
ried by  protesting  that  he  would  not  hear  of  any 
such  self-denial  on  the  part  of  a  brother  officer. 

Above  all,  the  two  men  differed  about  the  poUti- 
cal  form  to  be  adopted  for  the  new  independent 
states.    Both  of  them  realized  that  anything  like 
genuine  democracies  was  quite  impossible  of  attain- 
ment for  many  years  to  come,  and  that  strong  ad- 
ministrations would  be  needful  to  tide  the  Spanish 
Americans  over  from  the  political  inexperience  of 
colonial  days  and  the  disorders  of  revolution  to  in- 
telligent self-government,  which  could  come  only  af- 
terapractical  acquaintance  with  public  concerns  on 
a  large  scale.    San  Martin  believed  that  a  limited 
monarchy  was  the  best  form  of  government  under 
the  circumstances.    Bolivar  held  fast  to  the  idea 


"INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH"  47 

of  a  centralized  or  unitary  republic,  in  which  ac- 
tual power  should  be  exercised  by  a  life  president 
and  an  hereditary  senate  until  the  people,  repre- 
sented in  a  lower  house,  should  have  gained  a 
sufficient  amount  of  political  experience. 

When  San  Martin  returned  to  Lima  he  found 
affairs  in  a  worse  state  than  ever.    The  tyrannical 
conduct  of  the  officer  he  had  left  in  charge  had  pro- 
voked an  uprising  that  made  his  position  insup- 
portable.    Conscious  that  his  mission  had  come  to 
an  end  and  certain  that,  unless  he  gave  way.  a 
collision  with  Bolivar  was  inevitable,  San  Martin 
resolved  to  sacrifice  himself  lest  harm  befall  the 
c6mmon  cause  in  which  both  had  done  such  yeo- 
man service.    Accordingly  he  rested  his  power 
into  the  hands  of  a  constituent  congress  and  left 
the  country.    But  when  he  found  that  no  happier 
fortune  awaited  him  in  Chile  and  in  his  own  native 
land,  San  Martin  decided  to  abandon  Spanish 
America  forever  and  go  into  self-imposed  exile. 
Broken  in  health  and  spirit,  he  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  France,  a  recipient  of  bounty  from  a 
Spaniard  who  had  once  been  his  comrade  in  arms. 

Meanwhile  in  the  Mexican  part  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Spain  the  cry  of  independence 


1 


i;|ll 


ili) 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

raised  by  Morelos  and  his  bands  of  Indian  f oUowera 
had  been  stifled  by  the  capture  and  execution  of 
theleader.    But  the  cause  of  independence  was  not 
dead  even  if  its  achievement  was  to  be  entrusted 
to  other  hands.    Eager  to  emulate  the  example  of 
their  brethren  in  South  America.  smaU  parties  of 
Spaniards  and  Creoles  fought  to  overturn   the 
despotic  rule  of  Ferdinand  VH,  only  to  encounter 
defeat  from  the  royalists.   Then  came  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1820  in  the  mother  country.    Forthwith 
demands  were  heard  for  a  recognition  of  the  Uberal 
regime.    Fearful  of  being  displaced  from  power, 
the  viceroy  with  the  support  of  the  clergy  and  aris- 
tocracy ordered  Agustf n  de  Iturbide.  a  Creole  of- 
ficer who  had  been  an  acUve  royalist,  to  queU  an 
insurrection  in  the  southern  part  v-.'  Jie  country. 

The  choice  of  this  soldier  was  aafortunate. 
Personally  ambitious  and  cherishing  in  secret  the 
thought  of  independence,  Iturbide,  faithless  to  his 
trust,  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  insurgents 
wUch  culminated  Febniaiy  S4,  ISil,  in  what  was 
called  the  "Pl«,  of  Iguala."  It  contained  three 
mam  provisions,  or  "gawantees."  as  they  were 
termed:  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic  religion 
to  the  exclusion  of  all  others;  the  establishment 
of  a  constitutional  monarchy  separate  from  Spain 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "  4» 
and  ruled  by  Ferdinand  himMlf .  or,  if  he  declined 
the  honor,  by  some  other  European  prince;  and  the 
union  of  Mexicans  and  Spaniards  without  distinc- 
tion of  caste  or  privilege.  A  temporary  govern- 
ment also,  in  the  form  of  a  junta  presided  over  by 
the  viceroy,  was  to  be  created;  and  provision  was 
made  for  the  organisation  of  an  "Army  of  tke 
Three  Guarantees. " 

Despite  opposition  frwn  the  roydSrts,  the  plan 
won  increasing  fav<».  Powerless  to  thwart  it  and 
inclined  besides  to  a  policy  of  conciliation,  the  new 
viceroy,  Juan  0'Daaai4,  agreed  to  ratify  it  on  «m- 
**»«»— H>  •kedience  to  a.  suggestion  friMi  hur- 
bide— that  the  parties  concerned  should  be  at  lib- 
erty, if  they  dwBPeto.  to  choose  any  on«  as  emperor, 
whether  he  wnc  of  a  rdgning  family  «rnot.  Here- 
upon, on  the  28th  of  September,  the  provisional 
Government  insUlied  at  the  city  of  Mexico  an- 
nounced the  consummation  of  an  "enterprise 
rendered  eternally  memorable,  which  a  genius  be- 
yond all  admiration  and  eulogy,  love  and  glory  of 
his  country,  began  at  Iguala,  prosecuted  and  car- 
ried into  effect,  overcoming  obstacles  almost  in- 
superable"— and  declared  the  independence  of 
the  "Mexican  Empire. "  The  act  was  followed  by 
the  appointment  <rf  a  regency  to  govern  until  the 


»  THE  raSPANIC  NATIONS 

accMMjn  of  iHtfeuuid  VH.  or  some  other  person- 
«ge,  to  tiie  ii^Nxuil  throne.  Of  thU  body  Itur- 
bide  amimed  theimssidency,  which  carried  with  it 
the  powers  of  commander  in  chief  and  a  salaiy  of 
1*0.000  }m»,  pMd  from  the  day  on  which  the 
Pkn  of  IgnaU  was  signed.  O'Donojfi  contented 
himself  with  membershq)  on  the  board  and  a  salary 
of  one-twelfth  that  amount,  until  his  speedy  demise 
removed  from  the  scene  the  last  of  the  Spanish 
viceroys  in  North  America. 

One  step  more  was  needed.  Learning  that  the 
Cortes  in  Spain  had  rejected  the  entire  scheme, 
Iturbide  allowed  his  soldiers  to  acclaim  him  em- 
peror, and  an  unwilling  Congress  saw  itself  obliged 
to  ratify  tte  choice.  OnJuly21, 1822,  the  destinies 
of  the  country  were  committed  to  the  chaige  of 
Agustfn  the  First. 

As  in  the  area  of  Mexico  proper,  so  in  the  Central 
American  part  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain, 
the  Spanish  Revolution  of  1820  had  unexpected 
results.  Here  in  the  five  little  provinces  com- 
posing the  captaincy  genenil  of  Guatemala  there 
was  much  unrest,  but  nothing  of  a  serious  nature 
occurred  until  after  news  had  been  brought  of  the 
Plan  of  Iguala  and  its  immediate  outcome.  There- 
upon a  popular  assembly  met  at  the  capital  town  of 


I 
I    1 


j*r 


/*^W>!',X«i«  ,v._     i.  >■* 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OR  DEATH  "  ai 

Guatemala,  and  on  September  15,  1821,  declared 
the  comitiy  an  independent  state.  This  radical 
act  accomplished,  the  patriot  leaders  were  unable 
to  proceed  further.  Demands  for  the  establishment 
of  a  federation,  for  a  recognition  of  local  auton- 
omy, for  annexation  to  Mexico,  were  all  heard, 
and  none,  except  the  last,  was  answered.  While 
the  "Imperialists"  and  "Republicans"  were  argu- 
ing it  out,  a  message  from  Emperor  Agustfn  an- 
nounced that  he  would  not  allow  the  new  state  to 
remain  independent.  On  submission  of  the  matter 
to  a  vote  of  the  cabildos,  most  of  them  approved 
reunion  with  the  northern  neighbor.  Salvador 
alone  among  the  provinces  held  out  until  traops 
fratn  Mexico  overcame  its  resistance. 

On  the  continents  of  America,  Spain  had  now 
kwt  aearly  all  its  possessions.  In  1828  the  United 
States,  which  had  already  acquired  East  Florida  on 
its  own  account,  led  off  in  recognizing  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  several  republics.  Only  in  Peru 
and  Charcas  the  royalists  still  battled  on  behalf 
of  the  mother  country.  In  the  West  ladies,  Santo 
Domingo  followed  the  lead  of  its  sister  colonies  on 
the  mainland  by  asserUng  in  1821  its  independence; 
but  its  brief  independent  life  was  snuffed  out  by  the 
negroes  of  Haiti,  once  more  a  republic,  who  spread 


1 


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«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

tteircontajlomtheentireisland.  Cubaahofeft 
tte  .fflpuhe  of  the  tinH».  But.  apart  from  the 
•gitation  of  secret  societies  like  the  "Rays  and 

^ns  of  Bolivar/- which  was  soon  chS"e 
colony  remained  tranquil. 

In  Portuguese  America  the  knowledge  of  what 
^  occur^  th«>ughout  the  Spanish  dominion. 
~uld  not  farf  to  awaken  a  desire  for  independence. 

tent  of  the  Brazibans.  but  he  thought  to  aUay  it 
by  substantial  concessions.    In  1815  he  proceeded 
to  elevate  the  colony  to  substanUal  equality  with 
I^uT^r  ~'"*^  ''y  i««»«  them  under  the 
mi.  of    Umted  Kingdom  of  Portugal.  Brazil,  and 
theAtearves."    The  next  year  the  Prince  Regent 
himself  became  King  under  the  name  of  Johnny. 
The  ilame  of  d«»ntent.  nevertheless,  continued 
to«.older.  Republican  outbreaks,  though  queued 
wrthout  much  difficulty,  mnirred.    Even  the  re- 
forms which  had  been  instituted  by  John  himself 
while  Regent.  «.d  which  had  assured  freer  com- 
munication with  the  worW  at  large,  only  empha- 
sized more  and  more  the  absuriity  of  permitting 
a  feeble  httle  land  like  Portugal  to  retain  its  hoW 
upon  a  region  so  extensive  and  valuable  as  Brazil 


"  INOEFENDENCB  OB  DEATH  "         83 
The  events  of  1820  in  Ft»tii«al  hartened  the 
movement  toward  independence.    Fired  by  the 
success  of  their  Spanish  comradea,  the  Portuguese 
Mberals  forthwith  rose  in  revolt,  donanded  the  ei- 
Ublishment  of  a  limited  monarchy,  and  insisted 
that  the  King  return  to  his  people.    In  similar 
fashion,  also,  they  drew  up  a  constitution  which 
provided  for  the  representation  of  Braail  by  depu- 
ties in  a  future  Cortes.    Beyond  this  they  would 
concede  no  special  privileges  to  the  colony.    In- 
deed their  idea  seems  to  have  been  that,  with 
the  King  once  more  in  Lisbon,  their  own  liberties 
would  be  secure  and  those  of  Brasil  would  be  re- 
duced to  what  were  befitting  a  mere  dependency. 
Yielding  to  the  inevitable,  the  King  decided  to 
return  to  Portugal,  leaving  the  young  Crown 
Prince  to  act  as  Regent  in  the  colony.    A  critical 
monwnt  for  the  little  country  and  its  big  dominion 
oversea  had  indubitably  arrived.    Jofan  under- 
stood the  trend  <rf  the  tiiwa,  for  «b  the  eve  irf  his 

departure  he  said  to  his  so»:  "Peebo,  if  Brwil  is  to 
separate  itsdtf  from  Porti^,  as  seems  likely,  y«M 
take  tike  ctowd  yourself  b^rae  any  ow  else  gets  it!" 
ft*o  was  liberal  in  sentiment,  popular  ^oi% 
the  &tuilius,  and  well-dispased  toward  the  as- 
pintioDs  of  the  CMntty  for  a  laiser  memmre  of 


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a  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

freedom,  and  yet  not  blind  to  the  interetU  of  the 
dynasty  of  Bpaganza.    He  readily  listened  to  the 
ui«ent  pleas  of  the  leaden  of  the  separatist  party 
■gainst  obeying  the  repressive  mandates  of  the 
Cortes.    Laws  which  abolished  the  central  govern- 
ment of  t1  )  colony  and  made  the  various  provinces 
mdividuai';,    nibject  to  Portugal  he  declined  to 
noUce.  T.I  equal  promptness  he  refused  to  heed 
an  order   -idding  him  return  to  Portugal  imme- 
diately.   To  a  delegation  of  prominent  Brazilians 
he  said  emphatically:  "For  the  good  of  all  and  the 
general  welfare  of  the  nation,  I  shall  stay. "   More 
than  that,  in  May,  1822.  he  accepted  trom  the 
municipality  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  the  tiUe  of  "Per- 
petual and  Constitutional  Defender  of  Brazil." 
and  in  a  series  of  proclamations  urged  the  people 
of  the  country  to  begin  the  great  work  of  emancipa- 
tion by  forcibly  resisting,  if  needful,  any  attempt 
at  coercion. 

Pedro  now  believed  the  moment  had  come  to 
take  the  final  step.  Wiiile  on  a  journey  through 
the  province  of  S&,  Paulo,  he  was  overtaken  on  the 
7th  of  September,  near  a  Uttle  stream  called  the 
Ypiranga.  by  messengers  with  dispatches  from 
Portugal.  Finding  that  the  Cortes  had  annulled 
his   acts   and    declared  his  ministers    guilty   of 


"  INDEPENDENCE  OB  DEATH  "  .m 
treason,  Pedro  forthwith  proclaimed  Brazil  an  inde- 
pendentsUte.  The  "cry  of  Ypiranga"  was  echoed 
with  tremendous  enthusiasm  throughout  the  coun- 
try. When  Pedro  appeared  in  the  theater  at  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  a  few  days  later,  wearing  on  his  arm  a 
ribbon  on  which  were  inscribed  the  words  "Inde- 
pendence or  Death,"  he  was  given  a  tumultuous 
ovation.  On  the  first  day  of  December  the  youth- 
ful monaroh  ass  .,ned  the  title  of  Emperor,  and 
Brazil  thereupon  took  its  place  among  the  nations 
of  America. 


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CHAPTER  IV 

riOUGBINO  THIS  SUA 

WH«».theLaPl«uCong«Mat'n,cum4ntookthe 
decuive  action  that  «,ve«d  the  bond  with  Spain. 

It  uttered  a  prophecy  for  all  Spanish  America.    To 
quote. Slanguage:   "Vast and fertUe regions. cli- 
mates  benign  and  varied,  abundant  means  of 
«ib8«tence.  treasures  of  gold  and  silver  .        and 
fine  productions  of  every  «,rt  wiU  attract  to  our 
contment  imiumerable  thousands  of  immigrants, 
to  whom  we  shall  open  «  safe  place  of  refuge  and 
«rtend  a  beneficent  protection."    More  hopeful 
stdl  were  the  words  of  a  spokesman  for  another 
independent  country:  "United,  neither  the  empire 
of  tiie  Assyrians,  the  Medes  or  ti,e  Persians,  the 
Macedonian  or  the  Roman  Empire,  can  ever  be 
compared  with  this  colossal  republic." 

Very  diffe-ent  was  the  vision  of  Bolivar.  While 
a  refugee  in  Jamaica  he  wrote:  "We  are  a  little 
human  species;  we  possess  a  world  apart  .  .     new 


PI 


VWWmSO  THE  8BA  «T 

in  ahnoit  tU  the  arU  and  idenoM.  and  yet  old. 
after  a  fadiion,  in  the  UMi  of  civil  wdety.  .  .  . 
Neither  Indiana  nor  Europeans,  we  are  a  ■pedes 
that  lies  midway.  .  .  .  Is  it  conceivable  that  a 
people  recently  freed  of  iU  chains  can  launch  itself 
into  the  sphere  of  Uberty  without  shattering  its 
wings,  like  Icarus,  and  plunging  into  the  abyss? 
Such  a  prodigy  is  inconceivable,  never  beheld." 
Toward  the  close  of  his  career  he  declared:  "The 
majority  are  niMfisos.  mulattoes,  Indians,  and  ne- 
groes. An  ignorant  people  is  a  blunt  instrument  for 
its  own  destruction.  To  it  Uberty  means  license, 
patriotism  means  disloyalty,  and  justice  means 
vengeance."  "Independence,"  he  exclaimed,  "is 
the  only  good  we  have  achieved,  at  the  cost  of 
everything  else." 

Whether  the  abounding  confidence  of  the  proph- 
ecy or  the  anxious  doubt  of  the  vision  would  come 
true,  only  the  future  could  tell.  In  1822,  at  all 
events,  optimism  was  the  watchword  and  the  total 
exclusion  of  Spain  from  South  America  the  goal  of 
Bolivar  and  his  lieutenants,  as  they  started  south- 
ward to  complete  the  work  of  emancipation  which 
had  been  begun  by  San  Martin. 

The  patriots  of  Peru,  indeed,  had  fallen  into 
straits  so  desperate  that  an  appeal  to  the  Liberator 


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68  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

offered  the  only  hope  of  salvation.  Whfle  the  roy- 
alists under  their  able  and  vigilant  leader.  Jos6 
Canterac,  continued  to  strengthen  their  grasp  upon 
the  interior  of  the  eountiy  and  to  uphold  the 
power  of  the  viceroy,  the  President  chosen  by  the 
Congress  had  been  driven  by  the  enemy  from  Lima. 
A  number  of  the  legislators  in  wrath  thereupon  de- 
clared the  President  deposed.  Not  to  be  outdone, 
that  functionary  on  his  part  declared  the  Congress 
dissolved.  The  malcontents  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  elect  a- new  chief  magistrate,  thus  bring- 
ing twoPresidents  into  the  field  and  inaugurating  a 
spectacle  destined  to  become  all  too  common  in  the 
subsequent  annals  of  Spanish  America. 

When  Bolivar  arrived  at  Callao,  the  seaport  of 
Lima,  in  September,  1823,  he  acted  with  prompt 
vigor.  He  expelled  one  President,  converted  the 
other  into  a  passive  instrument  of  his  will,  declined 
to  promulgate  a  constitution  that  the  Congress  had 
prepared,  and,  after  obtaining  from  that  body  an 
appointment  to  supreme  command,  dissolved  the 
Congress  without  further  ado.  Unfortunately  none 
of  these  radical  measures  had  any  perceptible  ef- 
fect upon  the  military  situation.  Though  Bolfvar 
gathered  together  an  army  made  up  of  Colombians, 
Peruvians,  and  remnants  of  San  Martin's  force. 


PU)UGHING  THE  SEA  so 

many  months  elapsed  before  he  could  venture  upon 
a  serious  campaign.    Then  events  in  Spain  played 
into  his  hands.    The  reaction  that  had  foUowed 
the  restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII  to  absolute  pow- 
er crossed  the  ocean  and  split  the  royalists  into  op- 
posing factions.    Quick  to  seize  tiie  chance  tiius 
afforded,  Bolivar  marched  over  the  Andes  to  the 
plain  of  Junfn.    There,  on  August  6,  1824,  he  re- 
pelled an  onslaught  by  Canterac  and  drove  that 
leader  back  in  headlong  flight.    Believing,  how- 
ever, that  the  position  he  held  was  too  perilous  to 
risk  an  offensive,  he  entrusted  the  military  com- 
mand to  Sucre  and  returned  to  headquarters. 

The  royalists  had  now  come  to  realize  that  only 
a  supreme  effort  could  save  them.  They  must  over- 
whehn  Sucre  before  reinforcements  could  .reach 
him.  and  to  this  end  an  army  of  upwards  of  ten 
thousand  was  assembled.  On  the  9tii  of  December 
it  encountered  Sucre  and  his  six  thousand  soldiers 
in  tiie  vaUey  of  Ayacucbo,  or  "Comer  of  Death," 
where  the  patriot  general  had  entrenched  his  army 
witii  admirable  skill.  The  result  was  a  totel  de- 
feat for  the  royalists  —  tiie  Waterloo  of  Spain  in 
Soutii  America.  The  battle  thus  won  by  ragged 
and  hung  oldiers  —  whose  countersign  the  night 
before  hao  oeen  "bread  and  cheese"  —  threw  off 


I 


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.1,, 


W  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  yoke  of  the  mother  country  forever.  The  vice- 
roy feU  wounded  into  their  hands  and  Canterac 
surrendered.  On  receipt  of  the  glorious  news,  the 
people  of  Lima  greeted  Bolivar  with  wild  enthusi- 
asm, A  Congress  prolonged  his  dictatorship  amid 
adulations  that  bordered  on  the  grotesque. 

Eastward  of  Peru  in  the  vast  mount  'nous  region 
of  Charcas.  on  the  very  heights  of  South  Amer- 
ica, the  royalists  still  found  a  refuge.    In  January. 
1885,  a  patriot  general  at  the  town  of  La  Paz  under- 
took on  his  own  responsibility  to  declare  the  entire 
province  mdependent,  alike  of  Spain.  Peru,  and  the 
United  Provinces  of  La  Plata.    This  action  was 
too  precipitous,  not  to  say  presumptuous,  to  suit 
Bolivar  and  Sucre.   The  better  to  control  the  situa- 
tion, the  former  went  up  to  La  Paz  and  the  latter 
to  Chuquisaca,  the  capital,  where  a  Congress  was  to 
assemble  for  the  purpose  of  imparting  a  more  or- 
derly turn  to  affairs.    Under  the  direction  of  the 
"Marshal  of  Ayacucho. "  as  Sucre  was  now  caUed. 
the  Congress  issued  on  the  eth  of  August  a  formal 
declaration  of  independence.    In  honor  of  the  Lib- 
erator it  christened  the  new  republic  "Bolivar" 
—later  LRtinired  into  "Bolivia"— and  conferred 
upon  him  the  presidency  so  long  as  he  might  choose 
to  remain.    In  November.  1826,  a  new  Congress     j 


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which 

accept 

that  ti 

body  a 

thehei 

Now 

moiner 

a  cons 

govern: 

eventm 

Providi 

Preside 

democr 

who  w« 

the  lawi 

by  eleci 

select  c 

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enjoy  s 

exercise 

In  18! 

glory  ai 

regime  i 

freedom 

a  resista 

royalists 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  61 

which  had  been  summoned  to  draft  a  constitution 
accepted,  with  slight  modifications,  un  instrument 
that  the  Liberator  himself  had  prepared.    That 
body  aiso  reuamed  the  capital  "Sucre"  and  chose 
the  hero  of  Ayacucho  as  President  of  the  repubUc. 
Now,  the  Liberator  thought,  was  the  opportune 
moment  to  impose  upon  his  territorial  name«ake 
a  constitution  embodying  his  ideas  of  a  stable 
government  which  would  give  Spanish  Americans 
eventually  the  political  experience  they  needed. 
Providing  for  an  autocracy  represented  by  a  life 
President,  it  ran  the  gamut  of  aristocracy  and 
democracy,  all  the  way  from  "censors"  for  life, 
who  were  to  watch  over  the  due  enforcement  of 
the  laws,  down  to  senators  and  "tribunes"  chosen 
by  electors,  who  in  turn  were  to  be  named  by  c 
select  citizenry.      Whenever  actually  present  in 
the  territory  of  the  republic,  the  Liberator  was  to 
enjoy  supreme  command,  in  case  he  wished  to 
exercise  it. 

In  1826  Sim6n  Bolivar  stood  at  the  zenith  of  his 
glory  and  power.  No  adherents  of  the  Spanish 
regime  were  left  in  South  America  to  menace  the 
freedom  of  its  independent  states.  In  January 
a  resistance  kept  up  for  nine  years  by  a  handful  of 
royalists  lodged  on  the  remote  island  of  Chilo^,  off 


u 


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*  i! 


«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  wuthern  cowt  of  Chile,  had  been  broken,  and 
the  garrison  at  the  fortress  of  Callao  had  laid  down 
lU  arms  after  a  valiant  struggle.  Among  Spanish 
Americans  no  one  was  comparable  to  the  marvelous 

man  who  hadfounded  three  gwatrepublics  stretch- 
ing  from  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  the  Tropic  of  Capri- 
corn.  Hailed  as  the  "Liberator"  andthe"Tem,r 
of  De.^ts,"  he  was  also  acclaimed  by  the  people 

W  L^T""'  '^'  ^'"t-B°™  Son  of  the  New 
World!  National  destinies  were  committed  to 
hu.  charge,  and  equestrian  statues  were  erected 
m  h,s  honor.  In  the  popular  imagination  he  was 
««ked  with  Napoleon  as  a  peeriess  conqueror, 
and  with  Washington  as  the  father  of  his  coun- 
tiy.  That  megalomania  should  have  seized  the 
mind  of  the  Liberator  under  circumstances  like 
these  IS  not  strange. 

Ever  a  zealous  advocate  of  large  states.  Bolivar 
was  an  equally  ardent  parti-.an  of  confederation 
As  president  of  three  rej  ,blics-of  Colombia 
actually  and  of  its  satellites,  Peru  and  Bolivia, 
through  his  heutenants  -  he  could  afford  now  to 
carry  out  the  plan  that  he  had  long  since  cherished 
of  assembling  at  the  town  of  Panamd,  on  Colom- 
bwn  soil,  an  "august  congress"  representative  of 
themdependentcountriesof America.  Here,o„ Ihe 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  es 

iithmus  created  by  nature  to  join  the  continent., 
the  nations  created  by  men  should  foregather  and 
proclaim  fraternt »  accord.  Presenting  to  the  au- 
tocratic governments  of  Europe  a  solid  front  of 
resistance  to  their  pretensions  as  well  as  a  visible 
symbol  of  unity  in  sentiment,  such  a  Congress  by 
meeting  periodically  would  also  promote  friend- 
ship among  the  republics  of  the  western  hemi- 
sphere  and  supply  a  convenient  means  of  setUing 
their  disputes. 

At  this  time  the  United  SUtes  was  regarded  by 
its  sUter  republics  with  all  the  affection  which  grati- 
tude for  services  rendered  to  the  cause  of  emancipa- 
tion could  ev  oke.    Was  it  not  itself  a  republic,  its 
people  a  de-nocracy.  its  development  astoimding, 
and  its  future  radiant  with  hope?    The  pronounce^ 
ment  of  President  Monroe,  in  1823.  protesting 
against    interference  on  the  part  of   European 
powers  with  the  liberties  of  independent  America, 
afforded  the  clearest  possible  proof  that  the  great 
northern  republic  was  a  natural  protector,  guide, 
and  friend  whose  advice  and  coflperation  ought  to 
be  mvoked.     The  United  States  was  accordingly 
asked  to  take  part  in  the  assembly  —  not  to  con- 
cert military  measures,  but  simply  '  j  join  ite  fel- 
lows to  the  southward  in  a  solemn  proclamation  of 


II 


if* 


•*  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  Momoe  Doctrine  by  America  at  la^fe  «,d  to 

di^M  mean*  of  «uppre«ing  the  .lave  tnde. 

The  Congrew  that  met  at  PanamA.  in  June.  1888, 
•ff««led  want  encouragement  to  Bolivar's  roseate 
hope  of  .nter-American  wlidarity.     Whether  be- 

i*r  1.^  '^'"'*'"  °'  *"^'''-  -  »>-•"«'  of 
mtemal  d.«en«on,.  or  because  of  the  suspicion 
th^  the  megalomania  of  the  Liberator  had  awak- 
ened m  Spanish  America,  only  the  four  continental 
countr.es  nearest  the  isthmus  -  Mexico.  Central 
Amenca.  Colombia,  and  Peru- were  «p„.sented. 
Ue  delegates,  nevertheless,  signed  a  compact 
of  peipetual  union,  league,  and  confederation." 
provided  for  mutual  assistance  to  be  rendered  by 

tohave  the  Areopagus  of  the  Americas  transferal 
to  Mex.«..  None  of  the  acts  of  this  Cong^ss 
was  ratified  by  the  republics  concerned.  ex^Tpt 

Disheartening  to  Bolfvar  as  this  spectacle  was. 

.t  proved  to  be  merely  tie  first  ofaseries  of  calam- 
.Ues  which  were  to  overshadow  the  later  years  of 
the  Liberator.  His  grandiose  political  structure 
began  to  crumble,  for  it  was  built  on  the  shifting 
sands  of  a  fickle  popularity.     The  moi*  he  urged 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  « 

a  general  occepUnce  of  the  principle,  of  h-s  wto- 
crauc  con«UtuUon.  the  surer  were  hii  followen  that 
he  coveted  royal  honors.    In  December  he  imposed 
his  instrument  upon  Peru.    Then  he  learned  that 
a  meeting  in  Veneiuela.  presided  over  by  Piez 
had  declared  itself  in  favor  of  separation  from' 
Colombia.    Hardly  had  he  left  Peru   to  check 
this  movement  when  an  uprising  at  Lima  de- 
posed his  representative  and  led  to  the  summons 
of  a  Congress  wWch,  in  June.  1887.  restored  the 
former  constitution  and  chose  a  new  President. 
In  Quito,  also,  the  government  of  the  unstable 
dictator  was  overthrown. 

Alarmed  by  symptoms  of  disaffection  which  also 
appeared  in  the  western  part  of  the  rerublic.  Boli- 
var hurried  to  Bogotd.    There  in  the  .  ,pe  of  re- 
moving  the  growing  antagonism,  he  offered  his  "ir- 
revocable"  resignation,  as  he  had  done  on  more 
than  one  occasion  before.    Though  the  malcon- 
tents declined  to  accept  his  withdrawal  from  office, 
they  insisted  upon  his  calling  a  constitutional  con- 
vention.   Meeting  at  Ocafia.  in  April,  1828,  that 
body  proceeded  to  abolish  the  life  tenure  of  the 
presidency,  to  limit  the  powers  of  the  execuUve, 
and  to  increase  those  of  the  legislature.    Bolivar 
managed  to  quell  the  opposition  in  dictatorial 


i 


•t' 


M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

fashion;  but  his  prestige  had  by  this  time  fallen  so 
low  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  assassinate  him. 
The  severity  with  which  he  punished  the  conspira- 
tors served  only  to  diminish  still  more  the  popular 
confidence  which  he  had  once  enjoyed.     Even  in 
Bolivia  his  star  of  destiny  had  set.    An  outbreak 
of  Colombian  troops  at  the  capital  forced  the  faith- 
ful Sucre  to  resign  and  leave  the  country.  The  con- 
stitution was  then  modified  to  meet  the  demand 
for  a  less  autocratic  government,  and  a  new  chief 
magistrate  was  installed. 

Desperately  the  Liberator  strove  to  ward  off  the 
impending  collapse.  Though  he  recovered  pos- 
session of  the  division  of  Quito,  a  year  of  warfare 
failed  to  win  back  Peru,  and  he  was  compelled  to 
renounce  all  pretense  of  governing  it.  Feeble  in 
body  and  distracted  in  mind,  he  condemned  bit- 
terly the  machinations  of  his  enemies.  "There  is 
no  good  faith  in  Colombia, "  he  exclaimed,  "neither 
among  men  nor  among  nations.  Treaties  are  pa- 
per; constitutions,  books;  elections,  combats;  lib- 
erty, anarchy,  and  life  itself  a  torment. " 

But  the  hardest  blow  was  yet  to  fall.  Late  in 
December,  1829,  an  assembly  at  Caracas  declared 
Venezuela  a  separate  state.  The  great  republic  was 
rent  in  twam,  and  even  what  was  left  soon  split 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  67 

apart.    In  May,  1830,  came  the  final  crash.    The 
Congress  at  Bogota  drafted  a  constitution,  provid- 
ing for  a  separate  repubHc  to  bear  the  old  Span- 
ish name  of  "New  Granada,"  accepted  definitely 
the  resignation  of  Bolivar,  and  granted  him  a  pen- 
sion.    Venezuela,  his  native  land,  set  up  a  con- 
gress of  its  own  and  demanded  that  he  be  exiled. 
The  division  of  Quito  declared  itself  independent, 
under  the  name  of  the  "Republic  of  the  Equator" 
(Ecuador).    Everywhere  the  artificial  handiwork 
of  the  Liberator  lay  in  ruins.     "America  is  ungov- 
ernable.   Those  who  have  served  in  the  revolution 
have  ploughed  the  sea, "  was  his  despairing  ciy. 

Stricken  to  death,  the  fallen  hero  retired  to  an 
estate  near  Santa  Marta.  Here,  like  his  famous 
rival,  San  Martin,  in  France,  he  found  hospitality 
at  the  hands  of  a  Spaniard.  On  December  17. 
1830,  the  Liberator  gave  up  his  troubled  soul. 

While  Bolivar's  great  republic  was  falling  apart, 
the  United  Provinces  of  La  Plata  had  lost  prac- 
tically all  semblance  of  cohesion.  So  broad  were 
their  notions  of  liberty  that  the  several  provinces 
mamtained  a  substantial  independence  of  one 
another,  while  within  each  province  the  caudUhs, 
or  partisan  chieftains,  fought  among  themselves. 


. ; 


1'^' 


k 


68  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Buenos  Aires  alone  managed  to  preserve  a  measure 
of  Stability.  This  comparative  peace  was  due  to 
Uie  financial  apd  commercial  measures  devised  by 
Bernardino  Bivadavia.  one  of  the  most  capable 
stat«m,enof  thetime.  and  to  the  energetic  mamier 
m  which  disorder  was  suppressed  by  Juan  Manuel 
de  Rosas,  commander  of  the  gaueho,  or  cowboy, 
nuhtw.  Thanks  also  to  the  former  leader,  the 
provmces  were  induced  in  1826  to  join  in  framing 

a  constitution  of  a  unitary  character,  which  vested 
m  the  administraUon  at  Buenos  Aires  the  power 
of  appointing  the  local  governors  and  of  control- 
hng  foreign  affairs.  The  name  of  the  comitry 
was  at  the  same  time  changed  to  that  of  the 
Aqfentine  Confederation" -a  Latin  rendering 
of  "La  Plata."  ^ 

No  sooner  had  Rivadavia  assumed  the  presi- 
dency under  the  new  order  of  things  than  dissen- 
sion at  home  and  warfare  abroad  threatened  to 
destroy  all  that  he  had  accomplished.  Ignoring 
the  terms  of  the  constitution,  the  provinces  had 
already  begun  to  reject  the  supremacy  of  Buenos 
Aires,  when  the  outbreak  of  a  struggle  with  Brazil 
forced  the  contending  parties  for  a  while  to  unite 
m  the  face  of  the  common  enemy.  As  before,  tiie 
object  of  international  dispute  was  the  region  of 


1* 


I:  Hl.Sl'.\.V[r 


icvise*}  h. 


most 


capauli 


ill  Wit 

'I.'  R' 
01  appoitihnf,'  in-.   ;••     :     ,.   .  •     ,       ,, 


■lef.- 


,„     J     UnivOTjina 


I     ;i!<i  of  oontr.j. 

''HUli/V 

-     •:...;    of  flie 
1   I. 'it.it!  r.-iid«fiT).  ■ 


iiu'  (.emi.s  oi   ' 
Airos,  wiva  ' ! 


'.  la  uwiumc)!  the  presi- 

'  of  ! dings  than  disseii- 

■  a!,ro:ul  threHtoiK-d  !c, 

""''''''''I'tl.     Jguoring 

'i'Ovince,s  ■'  £).•• 


'  iiilO   to  IJMlts' 


(•' 


'  i. 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  eo 

the  Banda  Oriental.    The  rule  of  Brazil  had  not 
been  oppressive,  but  the  people  of  its  Cisplatine 
Province,  attached  by  language  and  sympathy  to 
their  western  neighbors,  longed  nevertheless  to  be 
free  of  foreign  control.    In  April.  182«,  a  band  of 
thirty-three  refugees  arrived  from  Buenos  Aires 
and  started  a  revohition  which  spread  through- 
outthecountry.    Organizing  a  provisional  govern- 
ment, the  insurgents  proclaimed  independence  of 
Brazil  and  incorporation  with  the  United  Provinces 
of  La  Plate.    As  soon  as  the  authoriUes  at  Buenos 
Aires  had  approved  this  action,  war  was  ineviteble. 
Though  the  Brazilians  were  decisively  beaten  at 
the  Battle  of  Ituzaingd,  on  February  20, 1827.  the 
struggle  lasted  until  August  28, 1828.  when  media- 
tion by  Great  Britein  led  to  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  by  which  both  Brazil  and 
the  Argentine  Confederation  recognized  the  abso- 
lute independence  of  the  disputed  province  as  the 
republic  of  Uruguay. 

Instead  of  quieting  the  discord  that  prevailed 
among  the  Argentinos,  these  victories  only  fo- 
mented trouble.  The  federalists  had  ousted  Riva- 
davia  and  discarded  the  constitution,  but  the 
federal  idea  for  which  they  stood  had  several  mean- 
ings.   To  an  inhabitent  of  Buenos  Aires  federalism 


4 


'  n 


TO  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

meantdomination  by  the  capital,  not  only  over  the 
province  of  the  same  name  but  over  the  other 
provinces;  whereas,  to  the  people  of  the  provinces, 
and  even  to  many  of  f ederahst  faith  in  the  province 

of  Buenos  Aires  itself,  the  term  stood  for  the  ideaof 
aloose  confederation  in  which  each  provincial  gov- 
ernor or  chieftain  should  be  practicaUy  supreme 
in  his  own  district,  so  long  as  he  could  maintain 
hunself.    The  Unitaries  were  opponents  of  both 
except  m  so  far  as  their  insistence  upon  a  central- 
ized form  of  government  for  the  nation  would 
necessarily  lead  to  the  location  of  that  government 
at  Buenos  Aires.    This  peculiar  dual  contest  be- 
tween the  town  and  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires, 
and  of  the  other  provinces  against  either  or  both' 
persisted  for  the  next  sixty  years.    In  1888,  Low' 
e.er,  a  prolonged  lull  set  in,  when  Rosas,  the 
jaucAo  leader,  having  won  in  company  with  other 
eaudiUo^  a  decisive  triumph  over  the  Unitaries 
entered  the  capital  and  took  supreme  command. 

In  Chile  the  course  of  events  had  assumed  quite 
a  diflFerent  aspect  Here,  in  1818.  a  species  of  con- 
stitution  had  been  adopted  by  popular  vote  in  a 
manner  that  appeared  to  show  remarkable  unanim- 
ity, for  the  books  in  which  the  "ayes "  and  "noes " 
were  to  be  recorded  contained  no  entries  in  the 


PU)UGHING  THE  SEA  71 

Wive!    What  the  record,  really  prove  is  that 
O  HiggiM.  the  Supreme  Director,  enjoyed  the  con- 
fidenee  of  the  ruling  daw.    In  exercise  of  the  auto- 
cratic power  entrusted  to  him.  he  now  proceeded  to 
introduceavarietyofadmini8traUver«fonn«of8ig. 
nal  advantage  to  the  moral  and  material  welfare  of 
the  country.    But  as  the  danger  of  conquest  from 
any  quarter  lessened,  the  demand  for  a  more  demo- 
cratic organization  grew  louder,  until  in  1882  it 
became  so  persistent  that  O'Higgins  caUed  a  con- 
vention to  draft  a  new  fundamental  law.    But  its 
provisions  suited  neither  himself  nor  his  opponenU. 
Thereupon,  realizing  that  his  views  of  the  poIiUcal 
capacity  of  the  people  resembled  those  of  BoHvar 
and  were  no  longer  applicable,  and  that  his  reforms 
had  aroused  too  much  hostility,  the  Supreme  Di- 
rector  resigned  his  post  and  retired  to  Peru.    Thus 
another  hero  of  emancipation  had  met  the  ingrati- 
tude for  which  republics  are  notorious. 

Political  convulsions  in  tiie  country  followed  the 
abdication  of  O'Higgins.  Not  only  had  the  spirit 
of  the  strife  between  Unitaries  and  Federalists 
been  communicated  to  Chile  from  tiie  neighboring 
republic  to  tiie  eastward,  but  two  other  parties  or 
factions,  divided  on  still  different  lines,  had  arisen. 
These  were  tiie  Conservative  and  tiie  Liberal,  or 


!.'-!. 


W  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Bigwig,  (paveonu)  and  Gr«eiilioni»  (pipiotot).  u 
the  adherenU  of  the  one  deruively  dubbed  the 
PartiMM  of  the  other.  Although  in  the  ups  and 
down,  of  the  itniggle  two  conititutiont  wen 
adopted,  neither  sufficed  to  quiet  the  agitation. 
Not  unU]  1880.  when  the  Liberal.  .u«tained  an 
utter  defeat  on  the  field  of  battle,  did  the  country 
enter  upon  a  period  of  quiet  progreM  along  con- 
servaUve  line*.  Prom  that  time  onward  it  pre- 
Mnted  a  surprising  contrast  to  its  fellow  republics, 
which  were  beset  with  afflictions. 

Par  to  the  northward,  the  Empire  of  Mexico 
■et  up  by  Iturbide  in  18S2  was  doomed  to  a  speedy 
fall.     "Emperor  by  divine  providence. "  that  am- 
bitious adventurer  inscribed  on  his  coins,  but  his 
countiymen  knew  that  the  bayonets  of  his  soldiers 
were  the  actual  mainstay  of  his  pretentious  title. 
Neither  his  earlier  career  nor  the  size  of  his  follow- 
ing was  sufficienUy  impressive  to  assure  him  popu- 
lar support  if  the  military  prop  gave  way.    His 
lavish  expenditures,  furthermore,  and  his  arbitrary 
replacement  of  the  Congress  by  a  docile  body  which 
would  authorize  forced  loans  at  his  command, 
steadily  undermined  his  position.    Apart  from  the 
faults  of  Iturbide  himself,  the  popular  sentiment  of 


PWUGHING  THE  SEA  n 

*  countiy  bordering  immediately  upon  the  United 
St.^  «,uld  not  f.il  to  be  colored  by  the  ide«  .nd 
iiuftution.  of  iu  g,..t  neighbor.  So.  too.  Z 
example  of  what  h«i  been  accompli.hed.  in  form 
•t  least,  by  their  kinimen  .l.ewhei«  in  Am-rica 
wa.  bound  to  wield  .potent  ..fluence  on  the  mind, 
of  the  Mexican..  A.  .  re.ult.  their  desire  for  a 
republic  grew  stronger  from  day  to  day 

Iturbide.  in  fact,  had  not  enjoyed  his  exalted 
nmk  five  months  when  Antonio  L6pez  de  Santa 
Anna,  a  young  officer  destined  later  to  become  a 
conspicuous  figure  in  Mexican  history,  smarted 
a  revolt  to  replace  the  "Empire"  by  a  repubJic. 
Though  he  failed  in  his  object,  two  of  Iturbide's 
generals  join,  d  the  insuigents  in  demanding  « 
jestoraUon  of  the  Congress  -  an  act  which,  as  the 
hapkss    Emperor"  pereeived.  would  amount  to 
his  dethronement.    Realizing  his  impotence.  Itur- 
b^e  summoned  the  Congress  and  amiounced  his 
abdication.    But  instead  of  recognizing  th«  pro- 
cedure, that  body  declared  his  accession  itself  null 

«idvoid;itagreed.however.togranthimapension 
tf  he  would  leave  the  country  and  reside  in  Italy. 
With  this  disposition  of  his  person  Iturbide  com- 
plied; but  he  soon  wearied  of  exile  and  persuaded 
hmiself  that  he  would  not  lack  supporters  if  he 


ii  ' 


I 


.r 


I  ft 


■*'f 

'■'!■ 

!  ■( 

!        <  :^' 

J  kMy. 


•*  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

tried  to  Ngain  hit  fonner  control  in  Medoo.  Thk 
venture  be  decided  to  make  in  complete  ignorance 
of  a  decree  ordering  hii  nimmaiy  execution  if  be 
dare**  to  let  foot  again  on  Mexican  loil.  Re  bad 
hardly  landed  in  July,  18M,  wben  be  wai  aeiaed 
and  shot. 

Since  a  oonatituent  assembly  had  declared  itself 
in  favor  of  esUblishing  a  federal  form  of  republic 
patterned  after  that  of  the  United  SUtes,  the  pro- 
mulgation of  a  constitution  followed  on  October  4, 
1884.  and  Guadalupe  Victoria,  one  of  the  leader^ 
in  the  revolt  against  Iturbide,  was  chosen  President 
of  the  United  Mexican  States.    Though  consir'  a-a- 
ble  unrest  prevailed  toward  the  close  of  bis  term, 
the  new  Pre  ident  managed  to  retain  his  office  for 
the  allotted  four  years.    In  most  respects,  bow- 
ever,  the  new  order  of  thmgs  opened  auspiciously. 
In  November,  18«5,  the  surrender  of  the  fortress  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulfia,  in  the  harbor  of  Vera  Crus,  ban- 
ished the  last  remnant  of  Spanish  power,  and  two 
years  later  the  suppression  of  plots  for  the  restora- 
tion of  Ferdinand  VH,  coupled  with  the  expulsion 
of  a  large  number  of  Spaniards,  helped  tr  restore 
calm.    There  were  those  even  who  dared  to  hope 
that  the  federal  system  would  operate  as  smoothly 
in  Mexico  as  it  had  done  in  the  United  States. 


PWUCHINO  im;  SEA  74 

But  the  poIiticiU  o,^i«tfc,n  «f  .  counto'* 
dWermt  from  lu  „o;them  neighbor  in  p^p^ 
^.  t«ditio„..  and  p^ctice..  could  not  .S!i 
»«J^  on  .  b«i.  of  iaiution.  even  mon>  or  le« 
"odified.  n.e«tifici.lityofthefri,ricbe«une.p. 
P««it«ou^««on««nbitiou.  individual,  and 

jwip.  of  miUcontenl.  concerted  meuure.  to  mold 
t»to •  likencM of  «ality.    Two  n.«n  poIiUcid 

fwtuMu  «on  .ppea«d.    Por  the  form  they  ... 

Zo    .?"^?   "'    ^'""*""  »«""-    were 
^n-ible.   Adopting  .  kind  of  M«onic  o^fani- 

latwn.  the  ConservaUve.  «,d  Centrahst.  called 

tte.«elve.  E^ccceu.  (Scottid.-Rite  Men),  where.. 

ttie  lUdicaU  «„i  Pederali.t.  toolc  the  name  of 

Yarhno,  (York-Rite  Men).    Whatever  their  re- 

^tive  slogan,  and  profewion.  of  political  faith. 

they  were  l,tUe  more  than  per«,nal  folk  wer.  of  ri- 

val  genwaU  or  poliUcian.  who  yearned  to  occupy 

the  presidential  chair. 
Upon  the  downfall  of  Iturbide,  the  malcontent. 

m  Central  America  bestirred  themselves  to  throw 

dH^r""?'"'"  ^'^"'y^'^««.aCong„,ss 
dedared  the  region  an  independent  republic  mider 
0.e  name  of  the  "United  Provinces  of  Central 
America"  In  November  of  the  next  year.  S- 
lowmg  the  precedent  established  in  Mexico,  and 


!     '     ■( 


I     i' 


76  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

obedient  also  to  local  demand,  the  new  republic 
issued  a  constitution,  in  accordance  with  which  the 
five  little  divisions  of  Guatemala,  Honduras.  Salva- 
dor. Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica  were  to  become 
states  of  a  federal  union,  each  having  the  privilege 
of  choosing  its  own  local  authorities.  Immediately 
Federalists  and  Centralists.  Radicals  and  Con- 
servatives, all  wished,  it  would  seem,  to  impose 
their  particular   viewpoint   upon   their  fellows. 
The  situation  was  not  unlike  that  in  the  Argentine 
Confederation.    The  efforts  of  Guatemala  —  the 
province  in  which  power  had  been  concentrated 
under  the  colonial  regime  —  to  assert  supremacy 
over  its  fellow  states,  and  their  refusal  to  respect 
either  the  federal  bond  or  one  another's  rights 
made  civil  war  inevitable.    The  struggle  which 
broke  out  among  Guatemala.  Salvador,  and  Hon- 
duras, lasted  until  1829,  when  Francisco  Morazdn, 
at  the  head  of  the  "Allied  Army,  Upholder  of  the 
Law,"  entered  the  capital  of  the  republic  and 
assumed  dictatorial  power. 


Of  all  the  Hispanic  nations,  however,  Brazil  was 
easily  the  most  stable.  Here  the  leaders,  while  cling- 
ing to  independence,  strove  to  avoid  dangerous  in- 
novations in  government.    Rather  than  create  a 


IM 


L: 


UK  UmPA 

•  *"  ^P"'  ■■,■,   j-epublk 

•  '^uiUm.h  >h,vJuehthB 

.  >aJva 
to  be<;oaiV 
:  I  lie  privikg*: 
■•s.   Ininiedialelj 
•'  .iiiu   Con 

liieu-   p.'ir»icu.;ir    viewpoint,    ujk).:    tii-ir    '  ; 
Thf  sitiijiliou  *a;;  jiot  anlikp  Hist  (jj  Hi,:.  Ar, 

■  to  assert  supremacy 

->-'!:"  Tflusal  to  respect 

iinoUicr'.s  right' 

Kgle  which 

and  Hon- 

•1  Moraziin, 

'■Ivr  of  the 

i<i'')lic  and 


Confodijrati: 


assumed  dicta  foriaJ  powtr. 


Of  nil  tii<-  Hispanif  Ration!!,  hrvivt-vf-r,  Brazil  was 

«"«''>'*!'"■■  .vhi!edin«- 

'  '"   ■^'Ji'i '.liingerous  1!!- 

Rath<>p  than  oroii.'      i 


;.| 


I    a 


Pi:' 


■  -H 


i 


PLOUGHING  THE  SEA  77 

political  system  for  which  the  country  was  not 
prepared,  they  established  a  constitutional  mon- 
archy.   But  Brazil  itself  was  too  vast  and  its  inte- 
rior too  difficult  of  access  to  allow  it  to  become  all  at 
once  a  unit,  either  in  orgamzation  or  in  spirit.   The 
Idea  of  national  solidarity  had  as  yet  made  scant 
progress.    The  old  rivalrj'  which  existed  between 
Oie  provinces  of  the  north,  dominated  by  Bahia  or 
Pemambuco,  and  those  of  the  south,  controlled  by 
ao  de  Janeiro  or  Sao  Paulo,  still  made  itself  felt 
What  the  Empire  amounted  to,  therefore,  was  an 
agglomeration  of  provinces,  held  together  by  the 
personal  prestige  of  a  young  monarch. 

Since  the  mother  country  still  held  parts  of 
northern  Brazil,  the  Emperor  entrusted  the  ener- 
getic Cochrane,  who  had  performed  such  valiant 
service  for  Chile  and  Peru,  with  the  task  of  expel- 
ling the  foreign  soldier,-.     When  this  had  been 
accomplished  and  a  republican  outbreak  in  the 
same  region  had  been  suppressed,  the  more  difficult 
task  of  satisfying  all  parties  by  a  constitution  had 
to  be  undertaken.    There  were  partisans  of  mon- 
archy and  advocates  of  republicanism,  men  of  con- 
servative and  of  liberal  sympathies;  disagreements 
also,  between  the  Brazilians  and  the  native  Portu- 
guese residents  were  frequent.    So  far  as  possible 


¥ 


:l 


1 1  'I 
>1' 


iP 


^Jil 


W  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Pedro  desired  to  meet  popular  desires,  and  ye» 
without  imposing  too  many  limitations  on  the  mon- 
archy itself.  But  in  the  assembly  called  to  draft 
the  constitution  the  liberal  members  made  a  deter- 
mined effort  to  introduce  republican  forms.  Pe- 
dro thereupon  dissolved  that  body  and  in  1826 
promulgated  a  constitution  of  his  own. 

The  popularity  of  the  Emperor  thereafter  soon 
began  to  wane,  partly  because  of  the  scandalous 
character  of  his  private  life,  and  partly  because  he 
declmed  to  observe  constitutional  restrictions  and 
chose  his  ministers  at  will.    His  insistent  war  in 
Portugal  to  uphold  the  claims  of  his  daughter  to 
the  throne  betrayed,  or  seemed  to  betray,  dynastic 
ambitions.    His  inability  to  hold  Uruguay  as  a 
Brazilian  province,  and  his  continued  retention 
of  foreign  soldiers  who  had  been  employed  in  the 
struggle  with  the  Argentine  Confederation,  for  the 
apparent  purpose  of  quelling  possible  insurrections 
in  the  future,  bred  much  discontent.    So  also  did 
the  restraints  he  laid  upon  the  press,  which  had 
been  infected  by  the  liberal  movements  in  neigh- 
bormg  republics.    When  he  failed  to  subdue  these 
outbreaks,  his  rule  became  all  the  more  discredited 
Thereupon,  menaced  by  a  dangerous  uprising  at 
R.O  de  Janeiro  in  1831,  he  abdicated  the  throne  in 


PIOUGHING  THE  SEA  79 

favor  of  his  son.  Pedro,  then  five  years  of  age.  and 
«et  sail  for  Portugal. 

Under  the  influence  of  Great  Britain  the  small 
European  mother  country  had  in  1825  recognized 
the  mdependence  of  its  big  transaUanUc  domin- 
ion; but  It  was  not  until  1836  that  the  Cortes  of 
Spam  authorized  the  Crown  to  enter  upon  nego- 
tuitions  looking  to  the  same  action  in  regard  to  the 
eleven  republics  which  had  sprung  out  of  its  colo- 
mal  domain.  Even  then  many  years  elapsed  before 
the  mother  country  acknowledged  the  independ- 
ence of  them  all. 


h 


f 


'  I 


A  :& 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  AQE  OF  THIS  DICTAT0B8 

Independence  without  liberty  and  statehood 
without  respect  for  law  are  phrases  which  sum  up 
the  situation  in  Spanish  America  after  the  failure 
of  Bolivar's  "great  design."  The  outcome  was  a 
collecUon  of  crude  republics,  racked  by  internal 
dissension  and  torn  by  mutual  jealousy  —  patrias 
bobaa,  or  "foolish  fatheilands. "  as  one  of  their  own 
writers  has  termed  them. 

Now  that  the  bond  of  unity  once  supplied  by 
Spain  had  been  broken,  the  entire  region  whidi  h-d 
been  ite  continental  doraain  in  America  dissolved 
awhile  into  its  elements.  The  Spanish  language, 
the  traditions  and  customs  of  the  dominant  class, 
and  a  "republican"  form  of  government,  wen 
practically  the  sole  ties  wWch  remained.  Laws,  to 
be  sure,  had  been  enacted,  providing  for  the  im- 
mediate or  graUual  abolition  of  negro  slavery  and 
for  an  improvement  in  the  status  of  the  Indian 

80 


THE  AGE  OP  THE  DICTATORS  81 

and  half-caste:  but  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants,  a* 
in  colonial  times,  remained  outside  of  the  body 
politic  and  social.  Though  the  so-called  "constitu- 
Uons"  might  confer  upon  the  colored  inhabitants 
all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  if  they 
could  read  and  write,  and  even  a  chance  to  hold 
office  if  they  could  show  possession  of  a  sufficient 
income  or  of  a  professional  title  of  some  sort,  their 
usual  inability  to  do  either  made  their  privileges 
illusory.    Their  only  share  in  pubHc  concerns  lay 
in  performing  military  service  at  the  behest  of  their 
superiors.    Even  where  the  language  of  the  con- 
stitutions did  not  exclude  the  colored  inhabitanU 
directly  or  indirectly,  practical  authority  was  ex- 
ercised by  dictators  who  played  the  autocrat,  or 
by  "liberators"  who  aimed  at  the  enjoyment  of 
that  function  themselves. 

Not  all  the  dictators,  however,  were  selfish 
tyrants,  nor  all  the  liberators  mere  pretenders. 
Disturbed  condiUons  bred  by  twenty  years  of 
warfare,  antique  methods  of  industry,  a  backward 
commerce,  inadequate  means  of  communication, 
and  a  population  ignorant,  superstitious,  and  scant, 
made  a  strong  ruler  more  or  less  indispensable. 
Whatever  his  official  designation,  the  dictator  was 
the  logical  successor  of  the  Spanish  viceroy  or 


■ii: 


I  :<v 


<'m 


.■■4 

i 

!  ,r 
i.-'it 


W  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

obtain  general,  but  without  the  lenw  of  responai- 
bility  or  the  legal  reitraint  of  either.  These  cip. 
cunutances  account  for  that  curioM  poliUcal  phaM 
in  the  development  of  the  Spani«h  American  na- 
tioM  —  the  presidential  despotism. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  men  who  denounced  op- 
pression, unscpupulousness,  and  venality,  and  who 
in  rhetorical  pmnuneUmmioa  uiged  the  "people" 
to  overthrow  the  dictators,  were  often  actuated 
by  motives  of  patriotism,  even  tiiough  tiiey  based 
their  declarations  on  assumptions  and  assertions. 
raUier  tiian  on  principles  and  facU.  Not  infre- 
quently a  liberator  of  this  sort  became  "provi- 
sional president"  until  he  himself,  or  some  person 
of  his  choice,  could  be  elected  "constitutional 
president" -two  otiier  ins.tutions  more  or  less 
peculiar  to  Spanish  America. 

In  an  atinosphere  of  political  tiieorizing  mingled 
with  ambition  for  personal  advancement.  boUi 
leaders  and  followers  were  professed  devotees  of 
constitutions.  No  people,  it  was  thought,  could 
mamtain  a  real  republic  and  be  a  true  democracy 
if  they  did  not  possess  a  written  constitution.  The 
longer  tiiis  was,  and  tiie  more  precise  its  definition 
of  powers  and  liberties,  the  more  authentic  tiie 
republic  and  tiie  more  genuine  tiie  democracy  was 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  8S 

thought  to  be.    In  wme  countriea  the  notion  wu 
carried  «U11  farther  by  on  insirtence  upon  frequent 
changes  in  the  fundamental  lav  or  in  the  actual 
form  of  government,  not  lo  much  to  meet  impera- 
Uve  needs  as  to  satisfy  a  xest  for  experimentation 
or  to  suit  the  whims  of  mercurial  temperaments. 
The  congresses,  constituent  assemblies,  and  the 
like,  which  drew  these  instruments,  were  supposed 
to  be  faithful  reproductions  of  similar  bodies 
abroad  and  to  represent  the  popular  will.    In  fact, 
however,  they  were  substantially  colonial  cabUdoi, 
enlarged  into  the  semblance  of  a  legislature,  intent 
upon  local  or  personal  concerns,  and  lacking  any 
national  consciousness.    In  any  case  the  members 
were  apt  to  be  creatures  of  a  republican  despot  or 
else  delegates  of  politicians  or  petty  factions. 

Assuming  that  the  leaders  had  a  fairly  dear  con- 
ception of  what  they  wanted,  even  if  the  mas3  of 
their  adherents  did  not.  it  is  possible  to  aline  the 
factions  or  parties  somewhat  as  follows:  on  the  one 
hand,  the  unitary, the  military,  the  clerical. the  con- 
servative, and  the  moderate;  on  the  other.the  fed- 
eralist, the  civilian,  the  lay.  the  liberal,  and  the 
radical.  Interspersed  among  them  were  the  ad- 
vocates of  a  presidential  or  congressional  system 
like  that  of  the  United  States,  the  upholders  of 


ill 


I' 


'  \i 


M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

•  parliunenUiy  regime  lik«  that  of  F  ropean 
natioM,  and  the  «ipporter»  of  method*  of  govern, 
ment  of  a  more  experimental  kind.  Broadly  ipeak- 
inc  the  line  of  cleavage  wai  made  by  opinioni 
concerning  the  form  of  government  and  by  convic- 
tio/u  regarding  the  relation,  of  Chureh  and  State 
Th.»e  opinions  were  mainly  a  product  of  revolu^ 
tionaiy  experience;  these  convicUon*.  on  the  other 
hand,  were  a  bequest  from  colonial  times. 

The  Unitaries  wished  to  have  a  system  of  gov- 
ernment modeled  upon  that  of  Prance.     They 
wanted  tbe  various  provinces  made  into  adminis- 
trative  districts  over  which  the  national  authority 
Aould  exc«:ise  full  sway.    Their  direct  opponents 
the  Federalists,  resembled  to  some  extent  the  Anti' 
federalistsratherthanthep  riyb..i-ing  the  former 
title  m  the  ea.-lier  history  of  the  United  States-  but 
even  here  an  exact  analogy  faib.    They  did  not 
aeek  to  have  th«  provinces  enjoy  local  self-govern- 
ment or  to  have  iKjrpetuated  the  traditions  of  a  sort 
of  municipal  home  rule  handed  dow.  from  the 
colonial  calnldot,  so  much  as  to  secure  the  recogm*- 
tion  of  a  number  of  isolated  villages  or  small  towns 
as  sovereign  states -which  meant  turning  them 
over  as  fiefs  to  their  Jocal  chieftains.    Federalism 
therefore,  was  the  Spanish  American  expression 


THK  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  u 
for  a  feud.li.in  ui^heU  by  miliUry  loidfeu  ud 
their  Ktainen. 

Among  the  meuures  of  Kform  introduced  by 
one  republic  or  Mother  during  the  revolutionaiy 
P«riod,  aboliUon  of  the  InquiriUon  had  been  one 
of  the  foremost;  otherwise  comparaUvely  iittJe  wat 
done  to  curb  the  influence  of  the  Church.   Indeed 
the  earlier  coMtitutions  regularly  contained  arU- 
cle.  declaring  Roman  Catholicism  the  sole  legal 
faith  as  well  as  the  religion  of  the  sUte.  and  safe- 
guarding in  other  respecU  its  prestige  in  the  com- 
munity.  Hen  was  an  institution,  wealthy,  proud, 
and  influential,  which  declined  to  yield  iu  ancient 
prerogatives  and  privileges  and  to  that  end  relied 

upon  the  support  of  clericals  and  conservaUves  who 
dishked  innovations  of  a  dcm  cratic  sort  and 
viewed  askance  the  entry  of  immigrants  profess- 
ing an  alien  faith.     Opposed  to  the  Churoh  stood 
governments  verging  on  bankrupt*^,  desirous  of 
exercising  supreme  control,  and  dominated  by  in- 
dividuals eager  to  put  theories  of  democracy  into 
practice  and  to  throw  open  the  doors  of  the  repub- 
lic freely  to  newcomers  from  other  lands.    In  the 
opinion  of  these  radicals  the  Church  ought  to  be 
deprived  both  of  its  prop-  >  and  of  its  monop- 
oly of  education.    The  one  should  be  turned  over 


■il 


i    >i 


86  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

to  the  nation,  to  which  it  properly  belonged,  and 
sLould  be  converted  into  public  utilities;  the  other 
should  be  made  absolutely  secukr,  in  order  to  de- 
stroy clerical  influence  over  the  youthful  mind. 
In  this  program  radicals  and  liberals  concurred 
with  varying  degrees  of  intensity,  while  the  moder- 
ates strove  to  hold  the  balance  between  them  and 
their  opponents. 

Out  of  this  complex  situation  civil  commotions 
were  bound  to  arise.    Occasionally  these  were  real 
wars,  but  as  a  rule  only  skirmishes  or  sporadic  in- 
surrections occurred.    They  were  called  "revolu- 
tions," not  because  some  great  principle   was 
actually  at  stake  but  because  the  term  had  been 
popular  ever  since  the  struggle  with  Spain.    As  a 
designation  for  movements  aimed  at  securing  rota- 
tion in  office,  and  hence  control  of  the  treasury,  it 
was  appropriate  enough!    At  all  e/ents,  whether 
serious  or  farcical,  the  commotions  often  involved 
an  expenditure  in  life  and  money  far  beyond  the 
value  of  the  interests  affected.     Further,  both 
the  prevalent  disorder  and  the  centralization  of 
authority  impelled  the  educated  and   well-to-do 
classes  to  take  up  their  residence  at  the  seat  of 
government.    Not  a  few  of  the  uprisings  were,  in 
fact,  protests  on  the  part  of  the  neglected  folk  in 


THE  AGE  OP  THE  DICTATORS  87 

the  interior  of  the  country  against  concentration 
of  population,  wealth,  intellect,  and  power  in  the 
Spanish  A  lericau  cRf 'tals. 

Among   he  towns  o '  Jus  sort  was  Buenos  Aires. 
Here,  in  1J^«.  B^.,as  inaugurated  a  career  of  ru- 
lership  over  the  Argentine  ConfederaUon.  culmi- 
nating m  a  despotism  that  made  him  the  most 
extraordinary  figureof  his  time.   Originally  a  stock- 
farmer  and  skilled  in  all  the  exercises  of  the  cowboy 
he  developed  an  unusual  talent  for  administration 
His  keen  intelligence,  supple  statecraft,  inflexibil- 
ity of  purpose,  and  vigor  of  action,  united  to  a 
shrewd  understanding  of  human  follies  and  pas- 
sions, gave  to  his  personality  a  dominance  that 
awed  and  to  his  word  of  command  a  power  that 
humbled.     Over  his  fellow  chieftains  who  held 
the  provinces  in  terrorized  subjection,  he  won  an 
ascendancy  that  insured  compliance  with  his  will 
The  instmcts  of  the  multitude  he  flattered  by  his 
generous  simplicity,  while  he  enlisted  the  support 
of  the  responsible  class  by  maintaining  order  in  the 
countryside.    The  desire,  also,  of  Buenos  Aires  to 
be  paramount  over  the  other  provinces  had  no 
small  share  in  strengthening  his  power. 

Relatively  honest  in  money  matters,   and  a 
stickler  for  precision  and  uniformity.  Rosas  sought 


88  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

to  govern  a  nation  in  the  rough-and-ready  fashion 
of  the  stock  farm.  A  creature  of  his  environment, 
no  better  and  no  worse  than  his  associates  but 
only  more  capable  than  they,  and  absolutely  con- 
vinced that  pitiless  autocracy  was  the  sole  means 
of  creating  a  nation  out  of  chaotic  fragments,  this 
"Robespierre  of  South  America"  carried  on  his 
despotic  sway,  regardless  of  the  fuiy  of  opponents 
and  the  menace  of  foreign  intervention. 

During  the  first  three  years  of  his  control,  how- 
ever, except  for  the  rigorous  suppression  of  unitaiy 
movements  and  the  muzzling  of  the  press,  few 
signs  appeared  of  the  "black  night  of  Argentine 
history"  which  was  soon  to  close  down  on  the 
land.    Realizir  g  that  the  auspicious  moment  haa 
not  yet  arrived  for  him  to  exercise  the  limitless 
power  that  he  thought  needful,  he  declined  an  offer 
of  reelection  from  the  provincial  legislature,  in 
the  hope  that,  through  a  policy  of  conciliation, 
his  successor  might  fall  a  prey  to  the  designs  of 
the  Unitaries.     When  this  happened,  he  secretly 
stirred  up  the  provinces  into  a  renewal  of  the  ear- 
lier disturbances,  until  the  evidence  became  over- 
whelming that  Rosas  alone  could  bring  peace  and 
prog,  ess  out  of  turmoil  and  backwardness.    Reluc- 
tantly the  legislature  yielded  him  the  power  it 


THK  AGE  OP  THE  DICTATORS  89 

knew  he  wanted.    This  he  would  not  accept  until  a 
popular"  vote  of  some  9000  to  4  confirmed  the 
choice.    In  1835.  accordingly,  he  became  dictator 
for  the  first  of  four  successive  terms  of  five  years 

Then  ensued,  notably  in  Buenos  Aires  itself,  a 
state  of  affairs  at  once  grotesque  and  frightful 
Not  content  with  hunting  down  and  inflicting 
every  possible  outrage  upon  those  suspected  of 
sympathy  with  the  Unitaries.  Rosas  forbade  them 
to  display  the  light  blue  and  white  colors  of  their 
party  device  and  directed  that  red.  the  sign  of 
Federalism,  should  be  displayed  on  all  occasions 
Pink  he  would  net  tolerate  as  being  too  attenu- 
ated a  shade  and  altogether  too  suggestive  of  poll  - 
ical  trimming!    A  band  of  his  followers,  made  up  of 
ruflSans,  and  called  the  Mazorca,  or  "Ear  of  Corn  " 
because  of  the  resemblance  of  their  close  fellowship 
to  Its  adhering  grains,  broke  into  private  houses, 
destroyed  eve^thing  light  blue  within  reach,  and 
maltreated  the  unfortunate  occupants  at  will.    No 
man  was  safe  also  who  did  not  give  his  face  a 
leonme  aspect  by  wearing  a  mustache  and  side- 
whiskers  -  emblems,  the  one  of  "federalism, "  and 
tiie  other  of  "independence."    To  possess  a  visage 
bare  of  these  hirsute  adornments  or  a  countenance 
too  efflorescent  in  that  respect  was,  under  a  regime 


90  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  tonsorial  politics,  to  invite  personal  disaster! 
Nothing  apparently  was  too  cringing  or  servile  to 
show  how  submissive  the  people  were  to  the  mas- 
tery of  Rosas.  Private  vengeance  and  defamation 
of  the  innocent  did  their  sinister  work  unchecked. 
Even  when  his  arbitrary  treatment  of  foreigners 
had  compelled  France  for  a  while  to  institute  a 
blockade  of  Buenos  Aires,  the  wily  dictator  uti- 
lized the  incident  to  turn  patriotic  resentment  to 
his  own  advantage. 

Meanwhile  matters  in  Uruguay  had  come  to  such 
a  pass  that  Rosas  saw  an  opportunity  to  extend  his 
control  in  that  direction  also.  Placed  between 
Brazil  and  the  Argentine  Confederation  and  so 
often  a  bone  of  contention,  the  little  country  was 
hardly  free  from  the  rule  of  the  former  state  when 
it  came  near  falling  under  the  domination  of  the 
latter.  Only  a  few  years  of  relative  tranquillity  had 
elapsed  when  two  parties  sprang  up  in  Uruguay :  the 
"Reds"  (Colorados)  and  the  "Whites"  (filamoa). 
Of  these,  the  one  was  supposed  to  represent  the 
liberal  and  the  other  the  conservative  element.  In 
fact,  they  were  the  f ollowings  of  partisan  chieftains, 
whose  struggles  for  the  presidency  during  many 
years  to  come  retarded  the  advancement  of  a  coun- 
try to  which  nature  had  been  generous. 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS         81 
When  Fructuoso  Rivera,  the  President  up  to 
1835,  thought  of  choosing  some  one  to  be  elected 
m  constitutional  fasUon  as  his  successor,  he  un- 
wisely singled  out  Manuel  Oribe,  one  of  the  famous 
Thirty-three"  who  had  raised  the  cry  of  inde- 
pendence a  decade  before.    But  instead  of  a  hench- 
man he  found  a  rival.    Both  of  them  straightway 
adopted  the  colors  and  bid  for  the  support  of  one 
of  the  local  factions;  and  both  appealed  to  the 
factions  of  the  Argentine  Confederation  for  aid 
Rivera  to  tiie  Unitaries  and  Oribe  to  the  Federal- 
ists.   In  1843,  Oribe,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of 
Blancos  and  Federalists  and  with  the  moral  sup- 
port of  Rosas,  laid  sitge  to  Montevideo.    Defended 
by  ColoTodos.  Unitaries,  and  numerous  foreigners 
including  Giuseppe  Garibaldi,  the  town  held  out 
valiantly  for  eight  years  -  a  feat  that  earned  for  it 
the  title  of  the  "New  Troy."    Anxious  to  stop  the 
slaughter  and  destruction  that  were  injuring  tiieir 
nationals.  France,  Great  Britain,  and  Brazil  o^^red 
«>eir  mediation;  but  Rosas  would  have  none  of  it 
What  tiie  antagonists  did  he  cared  littie,  so  long 
a^  Uiey  enfeebled  the  comitry  and  increased  his 
chances  of  dominating  it.    At  lengtii.  in  1845,  tiie 
two  European  powers  established  a  blockade  of 
Argentine  ports,  which  was  not  lifted  until  tiie 


'•^■. 


■  m 


»8  THE  fflSPANIC  NATIONS 

dictator  grudgingly  agreed  to  withdraw  his  troops 
from  the  neighboring  republic. 

More  than  any  other  single  factor,  this  interven- 
tion of  France  and  Great  Britain  administered  a 
blow  to  Rosas  from  which  he  could  not  recover. 
The  operations  of  their  fleets  and  the  resistance  of 
Montevideo  had  lowered  the  prestige  of  the  dic- 
tator and  had  raised  the  hopes  of  the  Unitaries 
that  a  last  desperate  effort  might  shake  off  his 
hated  control.  In  May,  1851,  Justo  Jose  de  Ur- 
quiza,  one  of  his  most  trusted  lieutenants,  declared 
the  independence  of  his  own  province  and  called 
upon  the  others  to  rise  against  the  tyrant.  En- 
listing the  support  of  Brazil,  IJruguay,  and  Para- 
guay, he  assembled  a  "great  army  of  liberation," 
composed  of  about  twenty-five  thousand  men,  at 
"hose  head  he  marched  to  meet  the  redoubtable 
Rosas.  On  February  3, 1852,  at  a  spot  near  Buenos 
Aires,  the  man  of  might  who,  like  his  contemporary 
Francia  in  Paraguay,  had  held  the  Argentine  Con- 
federation in  thralldom  for  so  many  years,  went 
down  to  final  defeat.  Embarking  on  a  British 
warship  he  sailed  for  England,  there  to  become  a 
quiet  coimtry  gentleman  in  a  land  where  gaitchos 
and  dictators  were  unhonoreu. 
In  the  meantime  Paraguay,  spared  from  such 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  93 

convuhion  as  racked  its  neighbor  on  the  east, 
dragged  on  .ts  secluded  existence  of  backwa«lness 
andstagnation.  Indians  and  half-castes  vegetated 
in  .gnoranceanddocility.andthehandful  of  whites 

tightened  the  reins  of  commercial  and  bdustrial 
restriction  and  erected  forts  along  the  frontiers  to 
keep  out  the  pernicious  foreigner.  At  his  death 
m  1840,  men  and  women  wept  at  his  funeral  in 
fear  perchance,  as  one  historian  remarks,  lest  he 
come  back  to  life;  and  the  priest  who  officiated 
at  the  serv.ce  likened  the  departed  dictator  to 
Caesar  and  Augustus! 

Paraguay  was  destined,  however,  to  fall  mider  a 
despot  far  worse  than  Francia  when  in  1862  Fran- 
cisco Solano  L6pez  became  President.    The  n»w 
ruler  was  a  man  of  considerable  intelligence  and 
education.    While  a  traveler  in  Europe  he  had  seen 
much  of  Its  military  organizations,  and  he  had  also 
gamed  no  slight  acquaintance  with  the  vices  of  its 
capita  cities.    This  acquired  knowledge  he  joined 
to  evil  propensities  until  he  became  a  veritable 
monster  of  wickedness.    Vain,  arrogant,  reckless, 
absolutely  devoid  of  scruple,  swaggering  in  victor,, 
dogged  in  defeat,  ferociously  cruel  at  all  times,  he 
murdered  his  brothers  and  his  best  friends;  he 


I' 


m 


M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

executed,  imprisoned,  or  banished  any  one  whom 
he  thought  too  influential;  he  tortured  his  mothrr 
and  sisters;  and,  like  the  French  Terrorists,  he  im- 
paled his  o£Scers  upon  the  unpleasant  dilemma 
of  winning  victories  or  losing  their  lives.  Even 
members  of  the  American  legation  su^ered  tor- 
ment at  his  hands,  and  the  minister  himself  barely 
escaped  death. 

Over  his  people,  L6pez  wielded  a  marvelous 
power,  compounded  of  persuasive  eloquence  and 
brute  force.  If  the  Paraguayans  had  obeyed  their 
earlier  masters  blindly,  they  were  dumb  before  this 
new  despot  and  deaf  to  other  than  his  word  of  com- 
mand. To  them  he  was  the  "Great  Father,"  who 
talked  to  them  in  their  own  tongue  of  Guarani, 
who  was  the  personification  of  the  nation,  the 
greatest  ruler  in  the  world,  the  invincible  champion 
who  inspired  them  with  a  loathing  and  contempt 
for  their  enemies.  Such  were  the  traits  of  a  man 
and  such  the  traits  of  a  people  who  waged  for  six 
years  a  warfare  among  the  most  extraordinary  in 
human  annals. 

What  prompted  L6pez  to  embark  on  his  career 
of  international  madness  and  prosecute  it  with  the 
rage  of  a  demon  is  not  entirely  clear.  A  vision 
of  himself  as  the  Napoleon  of  southern  South 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  B5 

America,  who  mwht  cause  Brazil,  Ai»entina,  and 
Uruguay  to  cringe  before  his  footstool,  while  he 
disposed  at  wiU  of  their  territoiy  and  fortunes, 
doubtless  stured  his  imagination.    So.  too.  the 
thought  of  his  country,  wedged  in  between  two 
huge  nti^hbors  and  threatened  with  suffocation 
between  their  overiapping  folds,  may  well  have 
suggested  the  wisdom  of  conquering  overland  a 
highway  to  the  sea.    At  all  evenU.  he  assembled 
an  army  of  upwards  of  ninety  thousand  men,  the 
greatest  military  array  that  Hispanic  America 
had  ever  seen.     Though  admirably  driUed  and 
disciplined,  they  were  poorly  armed,  mostly  with 
flintlock  muskets,  and  they  were  also  deficient 
in  artillery  except  that  of  antiquated  pattern. 
With  this  mighty  force  at  his  back,  yet  knowing 
that  the  neighboring  countries  could  eventually 
call  into   ",e  field  armies  much  larger  in  size 
equipped  with  repeating  rifles  and  supplied  with 
modem  artillery,  the  "Jupiter  of  Paraguay  "  never- 
theless made  ready  to  launch  his  thunderbolt. 

The  primary  object  at  which  he  auned  was 
Uruguay.  In  this  Uttle  state  the  Colorados,  up- 
held openly  or  secretly  by  Brazil  and  Argentina, 
were  conducting  a  "crusade  of  liberty"  against 
the  Btenco  government  at  Montevideo,  which  was 


t 


ff 


96  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

favored  by  Paraguay.  Neither  of  the  two  great 
powers  wished  to  see  an  alhance  formed  between 
Uruguay  and  Paraguay,  lest  when  united  in  this 
manner  the  smaller  nations  might  become  too 
strong  to  tolerate  further  intervention  in  their 
aflfairs.  For  her  part,  Brazil  had  motives  for  re- 
sentment arising  out  of  boundary  disputes  with 
Paraguay  and  Uruguay,  as  well  as  out  of  the  in- 
evitable injury  to  its  nationals  inflicted  by  the  com- 
motions in  the  .^tter  country;  whereas  Argentina 
cherished  grievances  against  L6pez  for  the  au- 
dacity with  which  his  troops  roamed  through  her 
piovinces  and  the  impudence  with  which  his 
vessels,  plying  on  the  lower  ParanA,  ignored  the 
customs  regulations.  Thus  it  happened  that  ob- 
scure civil  discords  in  one  little  republic  exploded 
into  a  terrific  international  struggle  which  shook 
South  America  to  its  foundations. 

In  1864,  scorning  the  arts  of  diplomacy  which  he 
did  not  apparently  understand,  Lopez  sent  down 
an  order  for  the  two  big  sUtes  to  leave  the  matter 
of  Uruguayan  politics  to  his  impartial  adjustment. 
At  both  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  Buenos  Aires  a  roar  of 
laughter  went  up  from  the  press  at  this  notion  of  an 
obscure  chieftain  of  a  band  of  Indians  in  the  tropi- 
cal backwoods  daring  to  poise  the  equilibrium  of 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS 
much  more  th«,  half  «  continent  on  hi.  in«.Ient 
liand.  But  the  merriment  Mon  wbsided.  a.  Brazil- 
ian, and  AnfenUno.  came  to  realize  what  their 
peni  might  be  from  a  huge  army  of  dcilled  and 
valiant  wldier..  a  veritable  horde  of  fighting  fa- 
natic.  drawn  up  in  a  compact  little  land,  centrally 
located  and  affording  in  other  respect,  every  kind 
of  rtrategic  advantage. 

When  Brazil  invaded  Uruguay  and  restored  the 
CoUnado,  to  power.  L6pez  demanded  permisdon 
from  Argentina  to  cross  its  frontier,  for  the  purpow 
of  assailing  his  enemy  from  another  quarter.  When 
the  permission  was  denied.  L6pez  declared  war  on 
Argentina  also.    It  was  in  eveiy  respect  a  daring 
«tep.  but  L6pez  knew  that  Argentina  was  not  so 
well  prepared  as  his  own  state  for  a  war  of  endur- 
ance.    Uruguay  then  entered  into  an  alliance  in 
1865  with  its  two  big  "protectors."   In  accordance 
with  Its  terms,  the  allies  agreed  not  to  conclude 
peace  until  L6pez  had  been  overthrown,  heavy  in- 
demnities had  been  exacted  of  Paraguay,  its  forti- 
fications demolished,  its  army  disbanded,  and  the 
country  forced  to  accept  any  boundaries  that  the 
victors  might  see  fit  to  impose. 

Into  the  details  of  the  campaigns  in  the  fright- 
ful conflict  that  ensued  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter 


I   ry 


08  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Although,  b  1866,  the  alliei  had  asaembled  an 
anny  of  lome  fifty  thousand  men,  Lt'ipes  continued 
taking  the  offensive  until,  aa  the  number  and  deter- 
mination of  his  adversaries  increased  '  «ras  com- 
pelled to  retreat  into  his  own  country.  Here  he  and 
his  Indian  legions  levied  terrific  toll  upon  the  lives 
of  their  enemies  who  pressed  onward,  up  or  down 
the  rivers  and  through  tropical  swamps  and  forests. 
Inch  by  inch  he  contested  their  entry  upon  Para- 
guayan soil.  When  the  able-bodied  men  gave  out, 
old  men,  boys,  women,  and  girls  fought  on  with 
stubborn  fury,  and  died  before  they  would  sur- 
render. The  wounded  escaped  if  they  could,  or, 
cursing  their  captors,  tore  oif  their  bandages  and 
bled  to  death.  Disease  wrought  awful  havoc  in 
all  the  armies  engaged;  yet  the  struggle  continued 
until  flesh  and  blood  could  endure  no  more.  Flying 
before  his  pursuers  into  the  wilds  of  the  north  and 
frantically  dragging  along  with  him  masses  of  fugi- 
tive men,  women,  and  children,  whom  he  remorse- 
lessly shot,  or  starved  to  death,  or  left  to  perish  of 
exhaustion,  L6pez  turned  finally  at  bay,  and,  on 
March  1. 1870,  was  felled  by  the  lance  of  a  cavalry- 
man. He  had  sworn  to  die  for  his  country  and  he 
did,  though  his  country  might  perish  with  him. 
No  land  in  modern  times  has  ever  reached  a 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  09 

point  «,  near  «,nihil.tion  »  Pwigu^.    Added 
to  the  utter  ruin  of  iu  indu.trie.  ,.  jd  the  devrt.^ 
tton  of  .U  fields.  dweUuigs,  «d  towna.  hundred,  of 
thouiMd.  of  men,  Women,  and  children  had  per- 
uhed.    Indeed,  the  horror,  that  had  befallen  it 
mwht  well  have  led  the  allie.  to  ai.k  themwive. 
whether  it  w«,  worth  while  to  de.t«,y  a  countnr 
in  order  to  change  its  nilcn..    Five  yean.  befo^. 
L6pez  came  into  power  the  population  of  Paraguay 
had  been  reckoned  at  wmething  between  800,000 
and  1.400.000  -  «,  unreliable  were  cen.u.  returns 
m  tho.e  days.    In  1873  it  was  estimated  at  about 
830,000,  of  whom  women  over  fifteen  years  of  age 
outnumbered  the  men  nearly  four  to  one     Loose 
polygamy  was  the  ineviubie  consequence,  and 
women  became  the  breadwinners.    Even  today  in 
this  country  the  excess  of  females  over  males  is 
very  great.    AH  in  all.  it  i,  not  strange  that  Para- 
guay should  be  called  the  "Niobe  among  nations." 

Unlike  many  nations  of  Spanish  America  in 
which  a  more  or  less  anUclerical  i^gime  was  in  the 
ascendant.  Ecuador  fell  under  a  sort  of  theocraq. 
Here  appeared  one  of  the  strangest  characten,  in 
a  story  already  full  of  extraordinary  personages- 
Gabriel  Garcia  Moreno,  who  became  President  of 


100  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

that  republic  in  1861.  In  some  respects  the  coun- 
terpart of  Francia  of  Paraguay,  in  others  both 
a  medieval  mystic  and  an  enlightened  ruler  of 
modem  type,  he  was  a  man  of  remarkable  intellect, 
constructive  ability,  earnest  patriotism,  and  dis- 
interested zeal  for  orderliness  and  progress!.  On  his 
presidential  sash  were  inscribed  the  words:  "My 
Power  in  the  Constitution";  but  his  real  power  lay 
in  himself  and  in  the  system  which  he  implanted. 

Garcia  Moreno  had  a  varied  career.  He  had 
been  a  student  of  chemistry  and  other  natural 
sciences.  He  had  spent  his  youth  in  exile  in  Eu- 
rope, where  he  prepared  himself  for  his  subsequent 
career  as  a  journalist  and  a  university  professor. 
Through  it  all  he  had  been  an  active  participant  in 
public  affairs.  Grim  of  countenance,  austere  in 
bearing,  violent  of  temper,  relentless  in  severity, 
he  was  a  devoted  believer  in  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith  and  in  this  Church  as  the  sole  effective  basis 
upon  which  a  state  could  be  founded  or  social  and 
political  regeneration  could  be  assured.  In  order 
to  render  effective  his  concept  of  what  a  nation 
ought  to  be,  Garcia  Moreno  introduced  and  upheld 
in  all  rigidity  an  administration  the  like  of  which 
had  been  known  hardly  anywhere  since  the  Middle 
Ages.    He  recalled  the  JesuiU,  established  schools 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  m 
of  the  "Brothers  of  the  Christian  Doctrine,"  and 
made  education  a  matter  wholly  under  ecclesiasU- 
cal  control.  He  forbade  heretical  worship,  caUed 
the  country  the  "Republic  of  the  Sacred  Heart," 
and  entered  into  a  concordat  with  the  Pope  under 
which  the  Church  ia  Ecuador  became  more  subject 
to  the  will  of  the  supreme  pontiff  than  western 
Europe  had  been  in  the  days  of  Innocent  HI. 

Liberals  in  and  outside  of  Ecuador  tried  feebly 
to  shake  oflf  this  masterful  theocracy,  for  the  friend- 
ship which  Garda  Moreno  displayed  toward  the 
diplomatic  representatives  of  the  Catholic  powers 
of  Europe,  notably  those  of  Spain  and  France,  ex- 
cited the  neighboring  republics.  Colombia,  indeed, 
sent  an  army  to  liberate  the  "brother  democrats' 
of  Ecuador  from  the  rule  of  Professor  Garda 
Moreno, "  but  the  masaof  the  people  stood  loyally 
by  their  President.   For  this  astounding  obedience 
to  an  administration  apparently  so  unrelated  to 
modern  ideas,  the  ecclesiastical  domination  was 
not  solely  or  even  chiefly  responsible.    In  more 
ways  than  one  Garda  Moreno,  the  professor  Pres- 
ident, was  a  statesman  of  vision  and  deed.    He 
put  down  brigandage  and  lawlessness;  reformed 
the  finances;  erected  hospitals;  promoted  educa- 
tion: and  encouraged  the  study  of  natural  science. 


8' 

m 


i 


I  ,•'•    4 


108  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Even  his  salary  he  gave  over  to  public  improve- 
ments. His  successors  in  the  presidential  office 
found  it  impossible  to  govern  the  country  without 
Garcia  Moreno.  Elected  for  a  third  term  to  cany 
on  his  curious  policy  of  conservatism  and  reaction 
blended  with  modem  advancement,  he  fell  by  the 
hand  of  an  assassin  in  1875.  But  the  system  which 
he  had  done  so  much  to  estabUsh  in  Ecuador 
survived  him  for  many  years. 

Although  Brazil  did  not  escape  the  evils  of  in- 
surrection which  retarded  the  growth  of  nearly  all 
of  its  neighbors,  none  of  its  numerous  commotions 
shook  the  stability  of  the  nation  to  a  perilous  de- 
gree. By  1850  all  danger  of  revolution  had  van- 
ished. The  country  began  to  enter  upon  a  career 
of  peace  and  progress  under  a  regime  which  com- 
bined broadly  the  federal  organization  of  the 
United  States  with  the  form  of  a  constitutional 
monarchy.  Brazil  enjoyed  one  of  the  few  enlight- 
ened despotisms  in  South  America.  Adopting  at 
the  outset  the  pariiamentary  system,  the  Emperor 
Pedro  II  chose  his  ministers  from  among  the  liber- 
als or  conservatives,  as  one  party  or  the  other 
might  possess  a  majority  in  the  lower  house  of 
the  Congress.  Though  the  legislative  power  of  the 


THE  AGE  OP  THE  DICTATORS        lOS 

nation  was  enjoyed  almost  entirely  by  the  planters 
and  their  associates  who  formed  the  dominant  so- 
cial class,  individual  liberty  was  fully  guaranteed, 
and  even  freedom  of  conscience  and  of  the  press 
was  allowed.  Negro  slavery,  though  tolerated,  was 
not  expressly  recognized. 

Thanks  to  the  political  discretion  and  unusual 
personal  qualities  of  "Dom  Pedro, "  his  popularity 
became  more  and  more  marked  as  the  years  went 
on.    A  patron  of  science  and  literature,  a  scholar 
rather  than  a  ruler,  a  placid  and  scnewhat  eccen- 
tric philosopher,  careless  of  the  trappings  of  state, 
he  devoted  himself  without  stint  to  the  public 
welfare.    Shrewdly  divining  that  the  monarchical 
system  might  not  survive  much  longer,  he  kept  his 
realm  pacified  by  a  policy  of  conciliation.    Pedro 
II  even  went  so  far  as  to  call  himself  the  best  re- 
publican in  the  Empire.   He  might  have  said,  with 
justice  perhaps,  that  he  was  the  best  republican  in 
the  whole  of  Hispanic  America.    What  he  really 
accomplished  was  the  successful  exercise  of  a 
paternal  autocracy  of  kindness  and  liberality  over 
his  subjects. 


■  i 


If  more  or  less  permanent  dictators  and  occa- 
sional liberator  were  the  order  of  the  day  in  most 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  the  Spanish  American  republics,  intermittent 
dicUtors  and  Uberatora  dashed  across  the  stage  in 
Mexico  from  1820  well  beyond  the  middle  of  the 
century.    The  other  countries  could  show  numer- 
ous instances  in  which  the  occupant  of  the  chief 
naagistracy  held  oflSce  to  the  close  of  his  constitu- 
Uonal  term;  but  Mexico  could  not  show  a  single 
one!    What  Mexico  furnished,  instead,  was  a  ka- 
leidoscopic spectacle  of  successive  presidents  or 
dictators,  an  unstable  array  of  self-styled  "gen- 
erals" without  a  presidential  succession.    There 
were  no  fewer  than  fifty  such  transient  rulers  in 
thirty-two  years,  with  anywhere  from  one  to  six  a 
year,  with  even  the  same  incumbent  twice  in  one 
year,  or,  in  the  case  of  the  repetitious  Santa  Anna, 
nine  times  in  twenty  years  —  in  spite  of  the  fact 
tha,t  the  constitutional  term  of  office  was  four  years. 
This  was  a  record  that  made  the  most  turbulent 
South  American  states  seem,  by  comparison,  lands 
of  methodical  regularity  in  the  cho'ce  of  their 
national  executive.    And  as  if  this  instability  in 
the  chief  magistracy  were  not  enough,  the  form  of 
government  in  Mexico  shifted  violently  from  fed- 
eral to  centralized,  and  back  again  to  federal. 
Mad  struggles  raged  between  partisan  chieftains 
and  their  bands  of  Escoceses  and  Vorkinos,  crying 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  DICTATORS  10« 
out  upon  the  "President"  in  power  because  of  his 
undue  influence  upon  the  choice  of  a  successor, 
bacldng  their  respective  candidates  if  they  lost,  and 
waiting  for  a  chance  to  oust  them  if  they  won. 

This  tumultuous  epoch  had  scarcely  begun  when 
Spain  in  1889  made  a  final  attempt  to  recover 
her  lost  dominion  in  Mexico.   Local  quarrels  were 
straightway  dropped  for  two  months  until  the 
invaders  had  surrendered.     Thereupon  the  great 
landholders,  who  disliked  the  prevailing  Vorkino 
regime  for  its  democratic  policies  and  for  favoring 
the  aboUtion  of  slavery,  rallied  to  the  aid  of  a 
"general "  who  issued  a  manifesto  demanding  an 
observance  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws !  After 
Santa  Anna,  who  was  playing  the  rfile  of  a  Mexi- 
can Warwick,  had  disposed  of  this  aspirant,  he 
'Tritched  blithely  over  to  the  Escocmm,  reduced 
the  federal  system  ahnost  to  a  — 'lity,  and  in  1836 
marched  away  to  conquer  the  revolting  Texans. 
But,  instead,  they  conquered  him  and  gained  their 
independence,  so  that  his  reward  was  exile. 

Now  the  Escocesea  were  free  to  promulgate  a 
nt  w  constitution,  to  abolish  the  federal  arrange- 
ment altogether,  and  to  replace  it  by  a  strongly 
centralized  government  under  which  the  individ- 
ual States  became  mere  administrative  districts. 


i'i. 


)| 

i: 


I' 


., '  * 


lOfl  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Hardly  had  this  radical  change  been  effected  when 
in  18S8  war  broke  out  with  France  on  account  of 
the  injuries  which  its  nationals,  among  whom  were 
certain  pastiy  cooks,  had  suffered  during  the  inter- 
minable commotions.    Mexico  was  forced  to  pay 
a  heavy  indemnity;  and  Santa  Anna,  who  had 
returned  to  fight  the  invader,  was  unfortunate 
enough  to  lose  a  leg  in  the  struggle.    This  physical 
deprivatioT,  however,  did  not  interfere  with  that 
doughty  hero's  zest  for  tilting  with  other  unquiet 
spirits  who  yearned  to  assure  national  regeneration 
by  continuing  to  ele  ate  and  depose  "presidents." 
Another  swing  of  the  political  pendulum  had 
restored  the  federal  system  when  again  everything 
was  overturned  by  the  disastrous  war  with  the 
United  States.    Once  more  Santa  Anna  returned, 
this  time,  however,  to  joust  in  vain  with  the 
"Yankee  despoilers"  who  were  destined  to  dis- 
member Mexico  and  to  annex  two-thirds  of  its 
territory.    Again  Santa  Anna  was  banished  —  to 
dream  of  a  more  favorable  opportunity  when  he 
might  become  the  savior  of  a  country  which  had 
fallen  into  bankruptcy  and  impotence. 

His  opportunity  came  in  185S,  when  conserva- 
tives  and  clericals  indulged  the  fatuous  hope  that 
he  would  both  sustain  their  privileges  and  lift 


THE  AGE  OP  THE  DICTATOKS  107 
Mexico  out  of  its  sore  distress.  Either  their  mem- 
ones  were  short  or  else  distiince  had  cast  a  halo 
about  Us  figure.  At  aU  events,  he  returned  from 
exile  and  assumed,  for  the  ninth  and  last  time 
a  presidency  which  he  intended  to  be  something 
more  than  a  mere  dictatorship.    Scorning  the  for- 

maUtyofaCongress.he  had  himself  entitled"Mo8t 
Serene  Highness, "  as  indicative  of  his  ambition  to 
become  a  monarch  in  name  as  weU  as  in  fact. 

Royal  or  imperial  designs  had  long  since  brought 
one  military  upstart  to  grief.    They  were  now  to 
cut  Sante  Anna's  residence  m  Mexico  similarly 
short.    Eruptions  of  discontent  broke  out  aU  over 
the  country.   Unable  to  make  them  subside.  Santa 
Anna  feU  back  upon  an  expedient  which  recalls 
pracfaces   elsewhere   in   Spanish   America.     He 
opened  registries  in  which  all  citizens  might  record 
"freely"  their  approval  or  disapproval  of  his  con- 
tinuance in  power.    Though  he  obtiuned  the  huge 
magonty  of  affirmative  votes  to  be  expected  in  such 
cases,  he  found  that  these  pen-and-ink  signatures 
were  no  more  serviceable  Uian  his  soldiers     Ac- 
cordingly tiie  dictiitor  of  many  a  day.  fallen  from 
his  former  esbite  of  highness,  decided  to  abandon 
his  serenity  also,  and  in  1854  fled  tiie  countiy  ~ 
for  its  good  and  his  own. 


If'. 


'■It 


i;:'i 


CHAPTER  VI 


PEBIL  raOM  ABROAD 


Apart  from  the  spoliation  of  Mexico  by  the  United 
States,  the  independence  of  the  Hispanic  nations 
had  not  been  menaced  for  more  than  thirty  years. 
Npw  comes  a  period  in  which  the  plight  of  their  big 
northern  neighbor,  rent  in  twain  by  civil  war  and 
powerless  to  enforce  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, caused  two  of  the  countries  to  become  sub- 
ject a  while  to  European  control.  One  of  these  was 
the  Dominican  Republic. 

In  1844  the  Spanish-speaking  population  of  the 
eastern  part  of  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  writh- 
''ng  under  the  despotic  yoke  of  Haiti,  had  seized  a 
favorable  occasion  to  regain  their  freedom.  But 
the  magic  word  "independence"  could  not  give 
stability  to  the  new  state  any  more  than  it  had 
done  in  the  case  of  it*  western  foes.  The  Haitians 
had  lapsed  long  since  into  a  condition  resembling 
that  of  their  African  forefathers.    They  reveled  in 

106 


'"laillllliiMlllllliyilllliillllllHil  lim  i  i  illl  l  1 1 1™ 'tmwBW  fmvwm m^^^ 


Wi. 


i'latu.  rttOM  ABBOAD 

Apabt  frw»  the  spoliation  of  Mexico  by  the  ilaited 
Slates,  the  independence  of  the  Hisprjiic  nations 
had  dot  been  menaf-e4tf«i«w<;  than  thirty  years 

\dw  fonj«><  *  perioti  "Ml|i^t|fitit*'"  plight  of  their  hig 

nor*!..  r„  ,...,>!,!  ..*   „„,.t  ...  ,„  _;„  u..  ^j^,jj  ^^^  ^^^j 

P*'"  loaroellnr- 

inue,  >.T:  1  to  become  »«b- 

i«i<rt»wL.,»  .„»,.„...,,„  (W  of  these  wiu 

thf  Doniiaicaa  Rej»ubu< 

In  1844  tho  Spanish-spt^akiiig  population  of  the 
eastern  p4rt  of  the  isLnd  of  Santo  Domingo,  -    ' ' 
ing  under  the  despotic  yoke  of  Haiti,  had  .si ,, 
favorable  occaiiion  to  regain  their  freedom.    Bat 
tlie  magic  word  "independeact:"  wuJI  not  give 
stability  to  the  new  state  any  more  than  i*  had 
«''>ne  in  the  case  of  it»  western  foes.    Thell 
had  lapsed  long  since  into  a  condition  Teseuujiiug 
that  of  their  African  forefathers.    They  rt-veled  in 


:l 


-It 


{ 

1 

m 

1 

! ''' 
i  ■■  - 

i 

1 

PBHIL  PBOM  ABROAD  IM 

the  barbaritiM  of  Voodoo,  a  lort  of  siiakr  wonhip, 
and  tb^  groveled  before  "piesidenti"  and  "em- 
perors" who  roee  and  fell  on  the  tide  of  decaying 
civilisation.  The  Dominicans  unhappily  were  not 
much  more  progressive.  Revohitions  alternated 
with  invasions  and  counterinvasions  and  effectu- 
ally prevented  enduring  progress. 

On  several  occasions  the  Dominicans  had  sought 
reannezation  to  Spain  or  had  craved  the  protection 
of  France  as  a  defense  against  continual  menace 
from  their  negro  enemies  and  as  a  relief  from 
domestic  turmoil.  But  every  move  in  this  direc- 
tion failed  because  of  a  natural  reluctance  on  the 
part  of  Spain  and  France,  which  was  heightened 
by  a  refusal  of  the  United  SUtes  to  permit  what 
it  regarded  as  a  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 
In  1861,  however,  the  outbreak  of  civil  war  in  the 
Um'ted  States  appeared  to  present  a  favorable  op- 
P'»rtunity  to  obtain  protection  from  abroad.  If 
the  Dominican  Republic  could  not  remain  inde- 
pendent anyway,  reunion  with  the  old  mother 
country  seemed  altogether  preferable  to  reconquest 
by  Haiti.  The  President,  therefore,  entered  into 
negotiations  with  the  Spanish  Governor  and  Cap- 
tain General  of  Cuba,  and  then  issued  a  proclama- 
tion signed  by  himself  and  four  of  his  ministers 


HO  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

announcing  that  by  the  "free  and  spontaneous 
will "  of  its  citizens,  who  had  conferred  upon  him 
the  power  to  do  so,  the  nation  recognized  Queen 
Isabella  II  as  its  lawful  sovereign!  Practically  no 
protest  was  made  by  the  Dominicans  against  this 
loss  of  their  independence. 

Difficulties  which  should  have  been  foreseen  by 
Spain  were  quick  to  reveal  themselves.  It  fell  to 
the  ex-President,  now  a  colonial  governor  and  cap- 
tain general,  to  appoint  a  host  of  officials  and,  not 
unnaturally,  he  named  his  own  henchmen.  By  so 
doing  he  not  only  aroused  the  animosity  of  the 
disappointed  but  stimulated  that  of  the  otherwise 
disa£Fected  as  well,  until  both  the  aggrieved  fac- 
tions began  to  plot  rebellion.  Spain,  too,  sent  over 
a  crowd  of  officials  who  could  not  adjust  themselves 
to  local  conditions.  The  failure  of  the  mother  coun- 
try to  allow  the  Dominicans  representation  in  the 
Spanish  Cortes  and  its  readiness  to  levy  taxes 
stirred  up  resentment  that  soon  ended  in  revolu- 
tion. Unable  to  check  this  new  trouble,  and 
awed  by  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  United 
,  States,  Spain  decided  to  withdraw  in  1865.  The 
Dominicans  thus  were  left  with  their  independ- 
ence and  a  chance  —  which  they  promptly  seized  — 
to  renew  their  commotions.     So  serious  did  these 


PERIL  FROM  ABROAD  ui 

disturbances  become  that  in  1869  the  President  of 
the  reconstituted  republic  sought  annexation  to 
the  United  States  but  without  success.  American 
efforts,  on  the  other  hand,  were  equally  futile  to 
restore  peace  and  order  in  the  troubled  country 
until  many  years  later. 

The  intervention  of  Spain  in  Santo  Domingo  and 
its  subsequent  withdrawal  could  not  fail  to  have 
disastrous  consequences  in  its  colony  of  Cuba,  the 
"Pearl  of  the  Antilles"  as  it  was  proudly  called. 
Here  abundant  crops  of  sugar  and  tobacco  had 
brougL  wealth  and  luxury,  but  not  many  immi- 
grants because  of  the  havoc  made  by  epidemics  of 
yellow  fever.  Nearly  a  third  of  the  insular  popula- 
tion was  still  composed  of  negro  slaves,  who  could 
hardly  relish  the  thought  that,  while  the  mother 
country  had  tolerated  the  suppression  of  the  hate- 
ful institution  in  Santo  Domingo,  she  still  main- 
tained it  in  Cuba.  A  bureaucracy,  also,  prone 
to  corruption  owing  to  the  temptations  of  loose 
accounting  at  the  custom  house,  governed  in  rou- 
tinary,  if  not  in  arbitrary,  fashion.  Under  these 
circumstances  dislike  for  the  suspicious  and  repres- 
sive administration  of  Spain  grew  apace,  and  secret 
societies  renewed  their  agitation  for  its  overthrow. 


m 


,'  » 


li^ 


I 


1  t 


m 


IW  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

The  symptoms  of  nm««t  were  aggravated  by  the 
forced  retirement  of  Spain  from  Santo  Domingo. 
If  the  Dominicans  had  succeeded  so  weU,  it  ought 
not  to  be  difficult  for  a  prolonged  rebellion  to  wear 
Spain  out  and  compel  it  to  abandon  Cuba  also. 
At  this  critical  moment  news  was  brought  of  a 
Spanish  revolution  across  the  seas. 

Just  as  the  plight  of  Spain  in  1808,  and  again  in 
1880,  had  afforded  a  favorable  opportunity  for  its 
colonies  on  the  continents  of  America  to  win  their 
independence,  so  now  in  1868  the  tidings  that 
Queen  Isabella  had  been  dethroned  by  a  liberal 
uprising  aroused  the  Cubans  to  action  under 
their  devoted  leader,  Carlos  Manuel  de  C&pedes. 
The  insurrection  had  not  gained  much  headway, 
however,  when  the  provisional  government  of  the 
mother  country  instructed  a  new  Governor  and 
Captain  General  —  whose  name,  Dulce  (Sweet), 
had  an  auspicious  sound  —  to  open  negotiations 
with  the  insurgents  and  to  hold  out  the  hope  of 
reforms.  But  the  royalists,  now  as  formerly, would 
listen  tonocompromise.  Organizing  themselves  in- 
to bodies  of  volunteers,  they  drove  Dulce  out.  He 
was  succeeded  by  one  Caballero  de  Rodas  (Knight 
of  Rhodes)  who  lived  up  to  his  name  by  trying  to 
ride  roughshod  over  tiie  rebdlious  Cubans.   Thus 


PERIL  FROM  ABROAD  ns 

began  the  Ten  Years'  War  —  a  war  of  skirmishes 
and  brief  encounters,  rarely  involving  a  decisive  ac- 
tion, which  drenched  the  soil  of  Cuba  wiih  blood 
and  laid  waste  its  ilelds  in  a  fury  of  destruction. 

Among  the  radicals  and  liberals  who  tried  to 
retain  a  fleeting  control  over  Mexico  after  the  final 
departure  of  SanU  Anna  was  the  first  genuine 
statesman  it  had  ever  known  la  ite  history  as  a 
repubUc  — Benito  Pablo  JuAreii,  an  Indian.  At 
twelve  years  of  age  he  could  not  read  or  write 
or  even  speak  Spanish.  His  employer  however, 
noted  his  intelligence  and  had  him  educated.  Be- 
coming a  Vwyer,  Ju&rez  entered  the  political  arena 
and  rose  to  prominence  by  dint  of  natural  talent 
for  leadership,  an  indomitable  perseverance,  and 
a  sturdy  patriotism.  A  radical  by  conviction,  he 
felt  that  the  salvation  of  Mexico  could  never  be 
attained  until  clericalism  and  militarism  had  been 
banished  from  its  soil  forever. 

Under  his  influence  a  provisional  government 
had  already  begun  a  policy  of  lessening  the  privi- 
leges of  the  Church,  when  the  conservative  ele- 
ments, with  a  cry  that  religion  was  being  attacked, 
rose  up  in  arms  again.  This  movement  repressed, 
a  Congress  proceeded  in  1857  to  issue  a  liberal 


,*,J 


•'J  . 


.;( 


114  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

constitution  which  was  destined  to  last  for  sixty 
years.  It  established  the  federal  system  in  a  definite 
fashion,  abolished  special  privileges,  both  ecclesi- 
astical and  military,  and  organized  the  country 
on  sound  bases  worthy  of  a  modem  nation.  Mexico 
seemed  about  to  enter  upon  a  rational  development. 
But  the  newly  elected  President,  yielding  to  the 
importunities  of  the  clergy,  abolished  the  constitu- 
tion, dissolved  the  legislature,  and  set  up  a  dic- 
tatorship, in  spite  of  the  energetic  protests  of 
Ju&rez,  who  had  been  chosen  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  who,  in  accordance  with  the 
terms  of  the  temporarily  discarded  instrument,  was 
authorized  to  assume  the  presidency  should  that 
office  fall  vacant.     The  rule  of  the  usurper  was 
short-lived,  however.    Various  improvised  "gen- 
erals" of  conservative  stripe  put  themselves  at 
the  head  of  a  movement  to  "save  country,  religion, 
and  the  rights  of  the  army,"  drove  the  would-be 
dictator  out,  and  restored  the  old  regime. 

Ju&rez  now  proclaimed  himself  acting  President, 
as  he  was  !>gally  entitled  to  do,  and  set  up  his 
government  at  Vera  Cruz  while  one  "provisional 
president"  followed  another.  Throughout  this 
trying  time  Ju&rez  defended  his  position  vigor- 
ously and  rejected  every  offer  of  compro-nise.    In 


PERIL  FROM  ABROAD  lu 

1869  he  promulgated  his  famous  Reform  Laws 
which  nationalized  ecclesiastical  property,  secu- 
larized cemeteries,  suppressed  religious  communi- 
ties, granted  freedom  of  worship,  and  made  mar- 
riage a  civil  contract.    For  Mexico,  however,  as 
for  other  Spanish  American  countries,  measuKs  of 
the  sort  were  far  too  much  in  advance  of  their  time 
to  insure  a  ready  acceptance.    Although  Ju&rez  ob- 
tained a  great  moral  victory  when  his  government 
was  recognized  by  the  United  States,  he  had  to 
struggle  two  years  more  before  he  could  gain 
possession  of  the  capital.    Triumphant  in  1861,  he 
carried  his  anticlerical  program  to  the  point  of 
actually  expelling  the  Papal  Nuncio  and  other 
ecclesiastics  who  refused  to  obey  his  decrees.  By  so 
doing  he  leveled  the  way  for  the  clericab,  conserva- 
tives, and  militarists  to  invite  foreign  intervention 
on  behalf  of  their  desperate  cause.    But,  even  if 
they  had  not  been  guilty  of  behavior  so  unpatriotic, 
the  anger  of  the  Pope  over  the  treatment  of  his 
Church,  the  wrath  of  Spain  over  the  conduct  of 
Ju&rez,  who  had  expelled  the  Spanish  minister  for 
siding  with  the  ecclesiastics,  the  desire  of  Great 
Britain  to  collect  debts  due  to  her  subjects,  and 
above  all  the  imperialistic  ambitions  of  Napoleon 
III,  who  dreamt  of  converting  the  intellectual 


f 


;iit 


i^ 


lie  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

influence  of  France  in  Hispanic  America  into  a 
political  ascendancy,  would  probably  have  led  to 
European  occupation  in  any  event,  so  long  at  least 
as  the  United  Stetes  was  split  asunder  and  inca- 
pable  of  action. 

Some  years  before,  the  Mexican  Government 
undei  the  clerical  and  militarist  regime  had  made 
a  contract  with  a  Swiss  banker  who  for  a  payment 
of  $500,000  had  received  bonds  worth  more  than 
fifteen  times  the  value  of  the  loan.    When,  there- 
fore, the  Mexican  Congress  undertook  to  defer 
payments  on  a  foreign  debt  that  included  the  pro- 
ceeds of  this  outrageous  contract,  the  Governments 
of  France,  Great  Britain,  and  Spain  decided  to 
intervene.  According  to  their  agreement  the  three 
powers  were  simply  to  hold  the  seaports  of  Mexico 
and  coUect  the  customs  duties  until  their  pecuni- 
ary  demands  had  been  satisfied.    Learning,  how- 
ever, that  Napoleon  III  had  ulterior  designs.  Great 
Britain  and  Spain  withdrew  their  forces  and  left 
him  to  proceed  with  his  scheme  of  conquest.  After 
capturing  Puebla  in  May.  1868.  a  French  army 
numbering  some  thirty  thousand  men  entered  the 
capital  and  installed  an  assemblage  of  notables 
belonging  to  the  clerical  and  conservative  groups. 
This  body  thereupon  proclaimed  theertablishment 


PERIL  FROM  ABROAD  m 

of  a  constitutional  monarchy  under  an  emperor. 
The  title  waa  to  be  offered  to  Maximilian.  Arch- 
duke of  Austria.  In  case  he  should  not  accept,  the 
matter  was  to  be  referred  to  the  "benevolence  of 
his  majesty,  the  Emperor  of  the  French."  who 
might  then  select  some  Other  Catholic  prince. 

On  his  arrival,  a  year  later,  the  amiable  and  well- 
meaning  Maximilian  soon  discovered  that,  instead 
of  being  an  "Emperor. "  he  was  actuaUy  little  more 
than  a  precarious  chief  of  a  faction  sustained  by  the 
bayonets  of  a  foreign  army.    In  the  northern  part 
of  Mexico.  JuArez.  Porfirio  Diaz.  -  later  to  become 
the  most  renowned  of  presidential  autocrats.  — 
and  other  patriot  leaders,  though  hunted  from 
place  to  place,  held  firmly  to  their  resolve  never 
to  bow  to  the  yoke  of  the  pretender.    Nor  could 
Maximilian  be  sure  of  the  loyalty  of  even  his  sup- 
posed adherents.    Little  by  litUe  the  unpleasant 
conviction  intruded  itself  upon  him  that  he  must 
either  abdicate  or  crush  all  resistance  in  the  hope 
that  eventually  time  and  good  will  might  win  over 
the  Mtticana.    But  do  what  they  would,  his  for- 
eign legions  could  not  catch  the  wary  and  stubborn 
Ju4rez  and  his  guerrilla  lieutenants,  who  persist- 
ently wore  down  the  forces  of  their  enemies. 
Then  the  financial  situation  became  grave.    Still 


!:f' 


\'P 


hi 


I  ,     ,i: 


"8  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

ffloremenacingwMtheattitudeof  the  United  SUtes 
now  that  its  civil  war  was  at  an  end.  On  May  SI. 
1866,  Maximilian  received  word  that  Napoleon  HI 
had  decided  to  withdraw  the  French  troopa.  He 
then  determined  to  abdicate,  but  he  was  rMtrained 
by  the  unhappy  Empress  Cariotta.  who  hastened  to 
Europe  to  plead  his  cause  with  Napoleon.  Mean- 
time, as  the  French  troops  were  withdrawn.  Jutoa 
occupied  the  territory. 

Feebly  the  "Emperor"  strove  to  enhst  the  favor 
of  his  adversaries  by  a  number  of  liberal  decrees; 
but  their  sole  result  was  his  abandonment  by  many 
a  lukewarm  conservative.  Inexorably  the  patriot 
armies  closed  around  him  until  in  May.  1867.  he  was 
captured  at  Quer*taro.  where  he  had  sought  refuge. 
Denied  tiie  privilege  of  leaving  tiie  country  on  a 

promise  never  to  return,  he  asked  Eacobedo.  his  cap- 
tor, to  treat  him  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  "  That's  my 
business,  "was  the  grim  reply.  On  tiie  pretext  that 
Maximilian  had  refused  to  recognize  tiie  compe- 
tence of  the  military  court  chosen  to  try  him,  Jud- 
rez  gave  the  order  to  shoot  him.  On  the  19th  of 
June  the  Austrian  archduke  paid  for  a  fleetingglory 
witii  his  life.  Thus  failed  tiie  second  attempt  at 
erecting  an  empire  in  Mexico.  For  thirty-four 
years  .^-plomatic  relations  between  tiiat  countiy 


PERIL  PBOM  ABBOAD  no 

•nd  Aurtiw-Hungary  were  severed.  The  clerical. 
miliUiy  combination  had  been  overthrown,  and 
the  Mexican  people  had  reafBnned  their  inde- 
pendence. A.  Ju4re«  declared:  "Peace  mean. 
w«pect  for  the  right*  of  others." 

Even  if  foreign  dreams  of  empire  in  Mexico  had 
vanished  so  abruptly,  it  could  hardly  be  expected 
that  a  knd  torn  for  many  yean  by  convulsions 
could  become  suddenly  tranquil.    With  Diaz  and 
other  aspirants  to  presidential  power,  or  with  chief- 
tains  who  aimed  at  setting  up  little  republics  of 
theu-  own  in  the  several  states,  JuArez  had  to  con- 
tend for  some  time  before  he  could  establish  a  fair 
amount  of  order.    Under  his  successor,  who  also 
was  a  civilian,  an  era  of  effective  reform  began.  In 
1878  amendments  to  the  constituUon  declared 
Chureh  and  Sute  absolutely  separate  and  pro- 
vided  for  the  abolition  of  peonage -a  provision 
which  was  more  honored  in  the  breach  than  in 
the  observance. 


('!' 


m 


■'M 


CHAPTER  Vn 


M 


CnUBATKB  aTATia  AND  UES8XR 

DtJBiNO  the  half  oentuiy  that  had  elapsed  since 
1826,  the  nations  of  Hispanic  America  had  passed 
through  dark  ages.    Their  evolution  had  always 
been  accompanied  by  growing  pains  and  had  at 
times  been  arrested  altogether  or  unduly  hastened 
by  harsh  injections  of  radicalism.    It  was  not 
an  orderly  development  through  gradual  modifica- 
tions in  the  social  and  economic  structure,  but 
rather  a  fitful  progress  now  assisted  and  now  re- 
tarded by  the  arbitrary  deeds  of  men  of  action, 
good  and  bad,  who  had  seized  power.    Dictators, 
however,  steadily  decreased  in  number  and  gave 
place  often  to  presidential  autocrats  who  were 
continued  in  office  by  constant  reelection  and  who 
were  imbued  with  modem  ideas.    In  1876  these 
Hispanic  nations  stood  on  the  threshold  of  a  new 
era.     Some  were  destined  to  advance  rapidly  be- 
yond it;  others,  to  move  slowly  onward;  and  a 
few  to  make  little  or  no  progress. 

IM 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER       i«i 

The  mort  renwrkdbk  fettnw  fa  the  new  er»  WM 
theriMof  fouriutei  -  Modco.  Bntfl.  Aigentlw, 
Md  Chile  -  to  •  pontion  of  eminence  among  their 
fellow..   Extent  of  territoiy.  development  of  nat- 
u»l  Ksoupce.,  the  character  of  the  inhabitant!  and 
the  increaK  of  their  numben,  and  the  amount  of 
popular  intelligence  and  pnwperity.  all  contributed 
to  this  end.    Each  of  the  four  nations  belonged 
to  a  fairly  well  lefined  historical  and  geographical 
group  in  southern  North  America,  and  in  eastern 
and  western  South  America,  respectively.    In  the 
first  group  were  Mexico,  the  republics  of  Central 
America,  and  the  island  countries  of  the  Caribbean; 
in  the  second.  Brazil.  Argentina.  Uruguay,  and 
Paraguay;  and  in  the  third.  Chile.  Peru,  and  Bo- 
livia. In  a  fourth  group  were  Ecuador.  Colombia, 
and  Venezuela. 

WhenthePresidentof  Mexicoproceeded,  in  1876, 
to  violate  the  constitution  by  securing  his  reelec- 
tion, the  people  were  prepared  by  their  earUer  ex- 
periences and  by  the  rule  of  Juirez  to  defend  their 
constitutionalrights.  A  widespread  rebellion  head 
ed  by  Diaz  broke  out  In  the  so-called  "Plan  of 
Tuxtepec  "  the  revolutionists  declared  themselves 
m  favor  of  the  principle  of  absolutely  no  reelection 


;1 


I 


t 


Itt  THE  USPANIC  NATIONS 

Meantime  the  Chief  Juatice  of  the  Supieme  Court 
handed  down  a  deciaion  that  the  action  of  the  Con- 
greu  in  luataining  the  Prerident  waa  illegal,  aince 
in  reality  no  electiona  had  been  held  becauae  of  the 
abstention  of  voter*  and  the  iciaare  of  the  polls  by 
revolutioniaU  or  government  fofcea.    "Above  the 
constitution,  nothing;  above  the  constitution,  no 
one."  lie  declared.    But  as  tliis  aasunqition  of  a 
power  of  judgment  on  matters  of  purely  political 
concern  was  equally  a  violation  of  the  constitution 
and  concealed,  besides,  an  attempt  to  make  the 
Chief  Justice  President.  Dias  and  his  followers 
drove  both  of  the  pretenders  out.  Then  in  1876  he 
managed  to  bring  about  his  own  election  instead. 
Forfirio  Diaz  was  a  soldier  who  had  seen  active 
service  in  nearly  every  important  campaign  since 
the  war  with  the  United  States.   Of  ten  himself  in 
revolt  against  presidents,  legal  and  illegal,  Diaz 
was  vastly  more  than  an  ordinary  partisan  chief- 
tain.  Schooled  by  a  long  experience,  he  had  come 
to  appreciate  the  fact  that  what  Mexico  required 
for  its  national  devel<^ment  was  freedom  from  in- 
ternal disorders  and  a  fair  chance  for  recuperation. 
Justice,  order,  and  prosperity,  he  felt,  could  be  as- 
sured only  by  imposing  upon  the  country  the  heavy 
weight  of  an  iron  hand.    Foreign  capital  must  be 


GREATBB  STATES  AND  LB88ER       m 

inv<»ted  in  Mexico  and  then  protected;  inunto.. 

ttonimut  beencou«ged.Md  other  nuiteriiU,,«,„j. 

Mdintdlectn.|.ldofiJI»rt.n.„rtbed»wnf«n. 
•brewi  for  the  upbuilding  ot  the  nation. 

To  rfect  inch  .  trwrfonnation  in  « land  » tor- 
nientedandin.poverid«d"  ^erico  -  .  countnr 
which,  within  the  q»n  of  m.  fl- .  .-  ,;adhved 
under  two  "emperor..",.  ,,   ti.ni>-.,vp««-. 

dent.,  nine  "provirional  pr.  nd..„ts.  ••  tor,  d    ,atow. 
twelve  ;^t.."  an,.  .. ve    ....,„,, ..^„„.: 

Z^l'^  "?**^  '  "'*""'  ''  ""■'''>«'^"  and  a 
marterfulauthonty.    Porfln.  D.az      ..«Med  and 

«e«=«edboth.  Hewa..inf„.  iu,tM.on.anfor 
thetnne..  An.bleadnunirtTator..temand«vere 
but  ,u.t.  r.th«  „»erved  in  manner  and  guarded 
in  utterance  Arewd  in  the  election  of  .«ociate.. 
■nd  «ngularly  mccewful  in  his  dealing,  with  for- 

IT''  ^^  *°**'^  "P""  *  "presidential  reign" 

of  Uurty-five  year.  -  broken  by  but  one  intemis. 

Mon  of  four  -  which  brought  Mexico  out  upon  the 

nighway  to  new  national  life. 

..  y°*'".?*  ■**"«  "^  ««««>*  mlewhip  of  Dfaz. 
Pton«.  pronundamentos. "  "revolutions. "  and 
simJar  devices  of  professional  trouble  makers,  had 
•hort  .hrift.  Whenever  an  uprising  started,  it 
was  promptly  quelled,  either  by  a  weU-disciplined 


'■'A'-^ 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

army  or  by  the  ruralea,  a  mounted  police  made  up 
to  some  extent  of  former  bandits  to  whom  the 
President  gave  the  choice  of  police  service  or  of 
sharp  punishment  for  their  crimes.   Order,  in  fact, 
was  not  always  maintained,  nor  was  justice  always 
meted  out,  by  recourse  to  judges  and  courts,   in- 
stead, a  novel  kind  of  lynch  law  was  invoked.   The 
name  it  bore  was  the  ley  Jvga,  or  "flight  law, "  in 
accordance  with  which  malefactors  or  political 
suspects  taken  by  government  agents  from  one 
locality  to  another,  on  the  excuse  of  securing 
readier  justice,  were  given  by  their  captors  a  pre- 
tended chance  to  escape  and  were  then  shot  while 
they  ran !  The  only  difference  between  this  method 
and  others  of  the  sort  employed  by  Spanish 
American  autocrats  to  enforce  obedience  lay  in  its 
purpose.    Of  Diaz  one  might  say  what  Bacon  said 
of  King  Henry  VII:  "He  drew  blood  as  physicians 
do,  to  save  life  rather  than  to  spill  it."   If  need  be, 
here  and  there,  disorder  and  revolt  were  stamped 
out  by  terrorism;  but  the  Mexican  people  did  not 
yield  to  authority  from  terror  but  rather  from  a 
thorough  loyalty  to  the  new  regime. 

Among  the  numerous  measures  of  m  .terial  im- 
provement which  Diaz  undertook  during  his  first 
term,  the  construction  of  railways  was  the  most 


,'»: 


If 

I 


» 


,•>  t 

'li:    ■ 

•    -  I 

.:  {': 

1 

\''1L 

1 

THE  HISPANK;  nations 

wmy  or  by  tht-  niralti,  a  mounted  police  m&dv  up 
'■  »<JrtB  ertent.  of  hama  bandits  to  whom  the 
Fii«ii«lent  gave  tlie  cfaofce  of  police  servire  a.-  of 
sh&rp  punkfemtBt  fcr  their  criniM.  Order,  in  fact, 
was  not  always  KaJftiKirwd,  nor  was  justice  sht  ay» 
meted  out,  by  wrpariw  to  iwiges  and  courts.  In- 
stMd,  a  ODtre}  km!  -rrf  iyneh  law  was  invok«l.  Tin 
name  it  bofe  wj»a  ihe  ley  fuga,  or  "flight  law,"  in 
accordance  with  which  malefactors  or  jiciitical 
suspects  taken  by  goveminent  agents  fn^m  one 
locality  to  anoth|r^^g^^t^^^^xci,se  of  ,.?curiag 


readier  ju«ticc,  '«'«*  js^  bj"  their  captors  a  pre- 
b-nt'aiJ  (  h.    ,^  *,i  ,-«~sp<f  and  were  then  shot  whl!. 
iiffereaof  hetween  tbi.' iTc!  i 


ciaas 


po.-; 

of  KiagHeiify  V  ii    '  ii 

do.  to  save  lii.;  rather  thai  .  ,  -.j,,!. ,. 

here  and  there,  disorder  and  revolt  -.if,  i 

out  by  terrorisitj;  but  the  Mexican  people  did  fiot 

yield  to  authority  from  terror  but  rather  frotn  a 

thorough  loyalt}'  tx>  the  new  r%ime. 

Among  the  numerous  measures  of  m-. 
p--ovement  which  Diaz  undertook  •'■ 
term,  ihe  construction  of  railway 


'^M^mikwmmm 


If 


:\-^^icmB':mM'M 


'-^jtiisfiwsmmsfin 


.•tfil*^;:  jv^'J-'i?}^Xf!f^i^:'^-s):r<  /J,  "iV.'^.V-"  **  ■     t        X\ 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER       m 
important.    The  size  of  the  country,  its  want  of 
navigable  rivers,  and  its  relatively  small  and 
widely  scattered  population,  made  imperative  the 
establishment  of  these  means  of  communication. 
Despite  the  misgivings  of  many  intelligent  Mexi- 
cans that  the  presence  of  foreign  capital  would 
impair  local  independence  in  some  way,  Diaz  laid 
tiie  foundations  of  future  national  prosperity  by 
granting  concessions  to  tiie  Mexican  CentriJ  and 
National  Mexican  companies,  which  soon  began 
consfanction.   Under  his  successor  a  national  bank 
was  created;  and  when  Diaz  was  again  elected  he 
readjusted  Uie  existing  foreign  debt  and  boldly 
contracted  new  debts  abroad. 

At  the  close  of  his  first  term,  in  1880,  a  surplus  in 
tiie  treasury  was  not  so  great  a  novelty  as  the 
circumstance  —  altogether  unique  in  tiie  political 
annals  of  Mexico  —that  Diaz  turned  over  tiie  presi- 
dency in  peaceful  fashion  to  his  property  elected 
successor!  He  did  so  reluctanUy,  to  be  sure,  but 
he  could  not  afford  just  yet  to  ignore  his  own 
avowed  principle,  which  had  been  made  a  part  of 
tiie  constitution  shortiy  after  his  accession.  Al- 
tiiough  tiie  confidence  he  reposed  in  tiiat  successor 
was  not  entirely  justified,  the  immense  personal 
popularity  of  Diaz  saved  the  prestige  of  tiie  new 


P(' 


W 


MO  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

chief  magistrate.  Under  his  administration  the 
constitution  was  amended  in  such  a  way  as  to 
deprive  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  privilege  of  re- 
placing the  President  in  case  of  a  vacancy,  thus 
eliminating  that  official  from  politics.  After  his 
resumption  of  office,  Diaz  had  the  fundamen- 
tal law  modified  anew,  so  as  to  permit  the  re- 
eleetion  of  a  President  for  one  term  only!  For 
this  change,  inconsistent  though  it  may  seem, 
Diaz  was  not  alone  responsible.  Circumstances 
had  changed,  and  the  constitution  had  to  change 
with  them. 

Had  the  "United  Provinces  of  Central  Amer- 
ica," as  they  came  forth  from  under  the  rule  of 
Spain,  seen  fit  to  abstain  from  following  in  the 
unsteady  footsteps  of  Mexico  up  to  the  time  of  the 
accession  of  Diaz  to  power,  had  they  done  nothing 
more  than  develop  their  natural  wealth  and  utilize 
their  admirable  geographical  situation,  they  mi^ 
have  become  prosperous  and  kept  their  coiponte 
name.  As  it  was,  their  history  for  upwards  of  forty 
years  had  little  to  record  other  than  a  mcnnaitary 
cohesion  and  a  subsequent  lapse  into  five  quarrel- 
some little  republics  —  the  "Balkan  Strtes"  of 
America.    Among  them  CosU  Rica  had  aoffered 


GREAI^S  STATES  AND  LESSER  187 
hut  from  arbitrary  management  or  internal 
commotion  and  showed  the  greatest  signs  of 
advancement. 

In  Guatemala.however,  there  had  arisen  another 
Diaz,  though  a  man  quite  inferior  in  many  respects 
to  his  northern  counterpart.    When  Justo  Rufino 
Banios  became  President  of  that  republic  in  1873 
he  was  believed  to  have  conservative  leanings. 
Ere  long,  however,  he  astounded  his  compatriots 
by  showing  them  that  he  was  a  thoroughgoing 
radical  with  methods  of  action  to  correspond  to  his 
convictions.   Not  only  did  he  keep  the  Jesuits  out 
of  the  country  but  he  abolished  monastic  orders 
altogether  and  converted  their  buildings  to  pub- 
lic use.    He  made  marriage  a  civil  contract  and 
he  secularized  the  burying  grounds.    Eduction  he 
encouraged  by  engaging  the  services  of  foreign  ik- 
stmctors,  and  he  brought  about  a  better  tAtaerr- 
«Bce  «rf  the  law  by  the  promulgation  of  new  codes. 
He  also  iatrodwed  railways  and  telegraph  lines. 
Since  the  mamrfaeture  c£  aniline  dyes  atmud  had 
«&ninidied  the  demand  for  cochineal,  Barrios  de- 
cided to  replace  this  raport  by  cultivating  coffee. 
To   thk   end,  he   distributed  seeds   amai«  the 
piantan  and  fumidied  financial  aid  besides,  with 
•  promise  to  inspect  the  fields  in  due 


f 


'm 


t 


jp — 


m  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

and  see  what  had  been  accomplished.  Fmding 
that  in  many  cases  the  seeds  had  been  thrown 
away  and  the  money  wasted  in  drink  and  gam* 
bling,  he  ordered  the  guilty  planters  to  be  given 
fifty  lashes,  with  the  assurance  that  on  a  second 
(i^'Oise  he  would  shoot  them  on  sight.  Coffee 
ple.v'ng  in  Guatemala  was  pursued  thereafter 
w'.i.'.  lauch  alacrity! 

Posts  in  the  government  service  Barrios  dis- 
tributed quite  impartially  among  Conservatives 
and  Democrats,  deserving  or  otherwise,  for  he  had 
them  both  well  under  control.  At  his  behest  a 
permanent  constitution  was  promulgated  in  1880. 
While  he  affected  to  dislike  continual  reelection,  he 
saw  to  it  nevertheless  that  he  himself  should  be  the 
sole  candidate  who  was  likely  to  win. 

Barrios  doubtless  could  have  remained  President 
of  Guatemala  for  the  term  of  his  natural  life  if  he 
had  not  raised  up  the  ghost  of  federation.  All  the 
republics  of  Central  America  acceptetl  his  invita- 
tion in  1876  to  send  delegates  to  his  capital  to  dis- 
cuss the  project.  But  nothing  was  accomplbbed 
because  Barrios  and  the  President  of  Salvador  were 
soon  at  loggerheads.  Nine  years  later,  feeling  him- 
self stronger,  Barrios  again  proposed  federation. 
But  the  other  republics  had  by  this  time  learned 


GREATKR  STATES  AND  LESSER       m 
too  much  of  the  methods  of  the  autocrat  of  Gua- 
temala, even  while  they  admired  his  progressive 
poKcy,  to  relish  the  thought  of  a  federaUon  domi- 
nated by  Guatemala  and  iU  masterful  President. 
Though  he  "persuaded"  Honduras  to  accept  the 
phm,  the  three  other  republics  preferred  to  unite 
in  self-defense,  and  in  the  ensuing  struggle  the 
quixotic  Barrios  was  kiUed.    A  few  years  later 
the  project  was  revived  and  the  constituUon  of  a 
"Republic  of  Central  America"  was  agreed  upon, 
when  war  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador  again 
frustrated  its  execution. 

In  Brazil  two  great  movements  were  by  this  time 
under  way:  the  total  abolition  of  slaveiy  and  the 
establishment  of  a  republic.   Despite  the  tenacious 
opposition  of  many  of  the  planters,  from  about  the 
year  1888  the  movement  for  emancipation  made 
great  headway.    There  was  a  growing  determina- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
to  remove  th«.blot  that  made  the  country  an  object 
of  reproach  among  the  civilized  states  of  the  world. 
Provinces  and  towns,  one  after  another,  freed  the 
slaves  within  their  borders.    TTje  imperial  Gov- 
ernment, on  its  part,  hastened  the  process  by 
liberating  its  own  slaves  and  by  imposing  upon 


'  ^^f 


180  THE  HISFANIC  NATIONS 

thoM  ttill  in  bondage  taxes  higher  than  their 
market  value;  it  fixed  a  price  for  other  ilavei:  it 
decreed  that  the  older  ilaves  should  be  set  free; 
and  it  increased  the  funds  already  appropriated  to 
compensate  owners  of  slaves  who  should  be  eman- 
cipated.  In  1887  the  number  of  slaves  had  fallen 
to  about  720.000,  worth  legally  about  $650  each. 
A  year  later  came  the  final  blow,  when  the  Princess 
Regent  assented  to  a  measure  which  abolished 
slavery  outright  and  repealed  all  former  acts  re- 
lating to  slavery.   So  radical  a  proceeding  wrought 
havoc  in  the  X)ff^growing  southern  provinces 
in  particular,  {rom  which  the  negroes  now  freed 
migrated  by  tens  of  thousands  to  the  northern 
provinces.    Their  places,  however,  were  taken  by 
Italians  and  other  Europeans  who  came  to  work 
the  plantations  on  a  cooperative  basis.  All  through 
the  eighties,  in  fact,  immigrants  from  Italy  poured 
into  the  temperate  regions  of  southern  Brazil,  to 
the  number  of  nearly  two  hundred  thousand,  sup- 
plementing the  many  thousands  of  Germans  who 
had  settled,  chiefly  in  the  province  of  Rio  Grande 
do  Sul,  thirty  years  before. 

Apart  from  the  industrial  problem  thus  created 
by  the  abolition  of  slavery,  there  seemed  to  be  no 
serious  political  or  economic  questions  before  the 


GBEATES  STATES  AND  LESSER  isi 
countiy.  Ever  since  1881,  when  a  Uw  providing 
for  direct  elecUons  was  passed,  the  Liberals  had 
been  in  fuU  control.  The  old  Dom  Pedro,  who  had 
endeared  himself  to  his  people,  was  as  much  liked 
and  respected  as  ever.  But  as  he  had  grown  feeble 
and  almost  blind,  the  heiress  to  the  throne,  who 
had  marked  absolutist  and  clerical  tendencies,  waa 
disposed  to  take  advantage  of  his  infirmiUes. 

For  many  years,  on  the  other  hand,  doctrine* 
opposed  to  the  principle  of  monarchy  had  been 
spread  in  zealous  fashion  by  members  of  the  mili- 
tary  class,  notable  among  whom  was  Deodoro  da 
Fonseca.   And  now  some  of  the  planters  longed  to 
wreak  vengeance  on  a  ruler  who  had  dared  to 
Uiwart  their  will  by  emancipating  the  slaves.   Be- 
sides this  persistent  discontent,  radical  republican 
newspapers  continually  stirred  up  fresh  agitation. 
Whatever  the  personal  service  rendered  by  the 
Emperor  to  the  welfare  of  the  countiy.  to  them  he 
represented  a  political  system  which  deprived  the 
provinces  of  much  of  their  local  autonomy  and  the 
Brazilian  people  at  large  of  self-government. 

But  the  chief  reason  for  the  momentous  change 
which  was  about  to  take  place  was  the  fact  that  the 
constitutional  monarchy  had  really  completed  its 
work  as  a  tiMsitional  government.    Under  Uuit 


f :' 


MKXOCOPY   lESOlUTION  TEST  CH«IT 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  J) 


_^  APPLIED  IIVHGE    In. 

^Srj  >6S3  East  Main   Str««t 

S^S  RochMler,   Naw  Yorit        U609       US* 

•^SSS  ('16)   «2  -  0300  -  Phorw 

^=  (716)  288  -  5989  -  Fd 


irr- 


182  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

regime  Brazil  had  reached  a  condition  of  stability 
and  had  attained  a  level  of  progress  which  might 
well  enable  it  to  govern  itself.  During  all  this  time 
the  influence  of  the  Spanish  American  nations  had 
been  growing  apace.  Even  if  they  had  fallen  into 
many  a  political  calamity,  they  wen  nevertheless 
"republics, "  and  to  the  South  American  this  word 
had  a  magic  sound.  Above  all,  there  was  the  po- 
tent suggestion  of  the  success  of  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  whose  extension  of  its  federal 
system  over  a  vast  territory  suggested  what  Brazil 
with  its  provinces  might  accomplish  in  the  southern 
continent.  Hence  the  vast  majority  of  intelligent 
Brazilians  felt  that  they  had  become  self-reliant 
enough  to  establish  a  republic  without  fear  of  laps- 
ing into  the  unfortunate  experiences  of  the  other 
Hispanic  countries. 

In  1889,  when  provision  was  made  for  a  speedy 
abdication  of  the  Emperor  in  favor  of  his  daughter, 
the  republican  newspapers  declared  that  a  scheme 
was  being  concocted  to  exile  the  chief  military 
agitators  and  to  interfere  with  any  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  army  to  prevent  the  accession  of  the 
new  ruler.  Thereupon,  on  the  15th  of  November, 
the  radicals  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  aided  by  the  garri- 
son, broke  out  in  open  revolt.     Proclaiming  the 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER  138 
establishment  of  a  federal  repubUc  under  the  name 
of  the  "United  States  of  Brazil."  they  deposed  the 
imperial  ministry,  set  up  a  provisional  government 
with  Deodoro  da  Fonseca  at  its  head,  arranged  for 
the  election  of  a  constitutional  convention,  and 
bade  Dom  Pedro  and  his  family  leave  the  country 
within  twenty-four  hours. 

On  the  17th  of  November,  before  daybreak,  the 
summons  was  obeyed.  Not  a  soul  appeared  to  bid 
the  old  Emperor  farewell  as  he  and  his  family 
boarded  the  steamer  that  was  to  bear  them  to  exile 
in  Europe.  Though  seemingly  an  act  of  heartless- 
ness  and  ingratitude,  the  precaution  was  a  wise  one 
in  that  it  averted  possible  conflict  and  bloodshed. 
For  the  second  time  in  its  history,  a  fundamental 
change  had  been  wrought  in  the  political  system 
of  the  nation  without «  resort  to  war!  The  United 
States  of  Brazil  accordingly  took  its  place  peace- 
fully among  its  fellow  republics  of  the  New  World. 

Meanwhile  Argentina,  the  great  neighbor  of 
Brazil  to  the  southwest,  had  been  gaining  territory 
and  new  resources.  Since  the  definite  adoption  of 
a  federal  constitution  in  1853,  this  state  had  at- 
tained to  a  considerable  degree  of  national  con- 
sciousness under  the  leadership  of  able  presidents 


1^ 


134  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

such  as  Bartolom^  Mitre,  the  soldier  and  historian, 
and  Domingo  Faustino  Sarmiento,  the  publicist 
and  promoter  of  popular  education.  One  evidence 
of  this  new  nationalism  was  a  widespread  belief 
in  the  necessity  of  territorial  expansion.  Knowing 
that  Chile  entertained  designs  upon  Patagonia, 
the  Argentine  Government  forestalled  any  action 
by  conducting  a  war  of  practical  extermination 
against  the  Indian  tribes  of  that  region  and  by 
adding  it  to  the  national  domain.  The  so-called 
"conquest  of  the  desert"  in  the  far  south  of  the 
continent  opened  to  civilization  a  vast  habitable 
area  of  untold  economic  possibilities. 

In  the  electoral  campaign  of  1880  the  presiden- 
tial candidates  were  Julio  Argentino  Roca  and  the 
Governor  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires.  The 
former,  an  able  o£Scer  skilled  in  both  arms  and 
politics,  had  on  his  side  the  advantage  of  a  reputa- 
tion won  in  the  struggle  with  the  Fatagonian  In- 
dians, the  approval  of  the  national  Grovemment, 
and  the  support  of  most  of  the  provinces.  Feeling 
certain  of  defeat  at  the  polls,  the  partisans  of  the 
latter  candidate  resorted  to  the  timewom  expe- 
dient of  a  revolt.  Though  the  uprising  lasted  but 
twenty  days,  the  diplomatic  corps  at  the  capital 
proffered  its  mediation  between  the  contestants. 


iJRfiATER  STATES  AND  LESSER  18S 
in  order  to  avoid  any  further  bloodshed.  The  re- 
sult was  that  the  fractious  Governor  withdrew  his 
candidacy  and  a  radical  change  v/as  effected  iu  the 
relations  of  Buenos  Aires,  city  and  province,  to 
the  country  at  large.  The  city,  together  with  iU 
environs,  was  converted  into  a  federal  district  and 
became  Mely  and  distinctively  the  national  capi- 
tal. Its  public  buildings,  railways,  and  telegraph 
service,  as  well  as  the  provincial  debt,  were  taken 
over  by  the  general  Government.  The  seat  of 
provincial  authority  was  transferred  to  the  village 
of  Ensenada,  which  thereupon  was  rechristened 
La  Plate. 

A  veriteble  tide  of  wealth  and  general  prosperity 
was  now  rolling  over  Argentina.  By  1885  its  popu- 
lation had  risen  to  upwards  of  3,000,000.  Immigra- 
tion increased  to  a  point  far  beyond  the  wildest 
expectetions.  In  1889  alone  about  300,000  new- 
comers arrived  and  lent  their  aid  in  the  promo- 
tion of  industry  and  commerce.  Fields  hitherto 
uncultivated  or  given  over  to  grazing  now  bore  vast 
crops  of  wheat,  maize,  linseed,  and  sugar.  Large 
quantities  of  capital,  chiefly  from  Great  Britain, 
also  poured  into  the  country.  As  a  result,  the  price 
of  land  rose  high,  and  feverish  speculation  became 
the  order  of  the  day.   Banks  and  other  institutions 


■j^ 


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(  ■ 


it 


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i  I  .ii 

'■^H 


188  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  credit  were  set  up,  colonizing  jscheme*  were  de- 
vised, and  railways  were  laid  out.  To  meet  the 
demands  of  all  these  enterprises,  the  Government 
borrowed  immense  sums  from  foreign  capitalists 
and  issued  vast  quantities  of  paper  money,  with 
little  regard  for  its  ultimate  redemption.  At- 
gentina  spent  huge  sums  in  prodigal  fashion  on 
all  sorts  of  public  improvements  in  an  effort  to  at- 
tract still  more  capital  and  immigration,  and  thus 
entered  upon  a  dangerous  era  of  inflation. 

Of  the  near  neighbors  of  Argentina,  Uruguay 
continued  along  the  tortuous  path  of  alternate 
disturbance  and  progress,  losing  many  of  its  in- 
habitants to  the  greater  states  beyond,  where  they 
sought  relative  peace  and  security;  while  Paraguay, 
on  the  other  hand,  enjoyed  freedom  from  civil 
strife,  though  weighed  down  with  a  war  debt  and 
untold  millions  in  indemnities  exacted  by  Argen- 
tina and  Brazil,  which  it  could  never  hope  to  pay. 
In  consequence,  this  indebtedness  was  a  useful 
club  to  brandish  over  powerless  Paraguay  when- 
ever that  little  country  might  venture  to  question 
the  right  of  either  of  its  big  neighbors  to  break  the 
promise  they  had  made  of  keeping  its  territory 
intact.  Argentiu.-",,  however,  consented  in  1878  to 
refer  certain  claims  to  the  decision  of  the  President 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER  m 
of  the  United  States.  When  Paraguay  won  the 
arbitration,  it  showed  its  gratitude  by  naming  one 
of  Its  localities  Villa  Hayes.  As  time  went  on. 
however,  its  population  increased  and  hid  many 
of  the  scars  of  war. 

On  the  western  side  of  South  America  ther« 
broke  out  the  struggle  known  as  the  "War  of  the 
Pacific"  between  Chile,  on  the  one  side,  and  Peru 
and  Bolivia  as  allies  on  the  other.    In  Peru  un- 
stable and  corrupt  governments  had  contracted 
foreign  loans  under  conditions  that  made  their  re- 
payment almost  impossible  and  had  spent  the 
proceeds  in  so  reckless  and  extravagant  a  fashion 
as  to  bring  the  country  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy 
Bolivia,  similarly  governed,  was  still  the  scene  of 
the  orgies  and  carnivals  y  lich  had  for  some  time 
characterized  its  unfortunate  history.    One  of  its 
buffoon  "presidents,"  moreover,  had  entered  into 
boundary  agreements  with  both  Chile  and  Braal 
under  which  the  nation  lost  several  important  areas' 
and  some  of  its  territory  on  the  Pacific.  The  bound- 
aries of  Bolivia,  indeed,  were  run  almost  eveiy  where 
on  purely  arbitrary  lines  drawn  with  scant  regard 
for  the  physical  features  of  the  country  and  with 
many  a  frontier  question  left  wholly  unsettled. 


m 


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1 


188  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

For  aome  yeors  Chilean  companies  and  specula- 
ton,  aided  by  foreign  capital  mainly  British '  i  ori- 
gin, had  been  working  deposits  of  nitrate  of  soda 
m  the  province  of  Antofagasta,  or  "the  desert  of 
Atacama,"  a  region  along  the  coast  to  the  north- 
ward belonging  to  Bolivia,  and  also  in  the  provinces 
of  Tacna,  Arica,  and  TarapacA,  still  farther  to  the 
northward ,  belonging  to  Peru.  Because  boundary 
lines  were  not  altogether  clear  and  because  the 
three  countries  were  all  eager  to  exploit  these  de- 
posits, controversies  over  this  debatable  ground 
were  sure  to  rise.  For  the  privilege  of  developing 
portions  of  this  region,  individuals  and  companies 
had  obtained  concessions  from  the  various  govern- 
ments concerned;  elsewhere,  industrial  free  lances 
dug  away  without  reference  to  such  formalities. 

It  is  quite  likely  that  Chile,  whose  motto  was 
"By  Bight  or  by  Might, "  was  prepared  to  sustain 
the  claims  of  its  citizens  by  either  alternative.  At 
all  events,  scenting  a  prospective  conflict,  Chile 
had  devoted  much  attention  to  the  development 
of  its  naval  and  military  establishment  —  a  state 
of  affairs  which  did  not  escape  the  observation  of 
its  suspicious  neighbors. 

The  policy  of  Peru  was  determined  partly  by 
personal  motives  and  partly  by  reasons  of  state. 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER       139 
in  1878  the  Preaident.  lacking  nifficient  financial 
•nd  poKtical  wpport  to  keep  himself  in  ofBce,  re- 
•olved  upon  the  risky  expedient  of  arousing  popu- 
lar passion  against  Chile,  in  the  hope  that  he  might 
thereby  replenish  the  national  treasury.    Accord- 
ingly he  proceeded  to  pick  a  quarrel  by  ordering 
the  deposiU  in  TarapacA  to  be  expropriated  with 
scant  respect  for  the  concessions  made  to  the 
Chilean  miners.    Realizing,  however,  the  possible 
consequences  of  such  an  action,  he  entered  into 
an  alliance  with  Bolivia.    This  country  thereupon 
proceeded  to  levy  an  increased  duty  on  the  ex- 
portation of  nitrates  from  the  Atacama  region. 
Chile,  already  aware  of  the  hostile  combination 
which  had  been  formed,  protested  so  vigor- 
ously  that  a  year  later  Bolivia  agreed  to  wi  thdraw 
the  new  regulations  and  to  submit  the  dispute 
to  arbitration. 

Such  were  the  relations  of  these  three  states 
in  1878.  when  Bolivia,  taking  advantage  of  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  between  Chile  and  Argentina 
regarding  the  Patagonian  region,  reimposed  its 
export  duty,  canceled  the  Chilean  concessions, 
and  confiscated  the  nitrate  deposits.  Chile  then 
declared  war  in  February,  1870.  and  within  two 
months  occupied  the  entire  coast  of  Bolivia  up  te 


I. 
7'!  r  I 


W 


',1 


140  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  frontiers  of  Peru.  On  his  part  the  President 
of  Bolivia  was  too  much  engrossed  in  the  fes- 
tivities connected  with  a  masquerade  to  bother 
about  notifying  the  people  that  their  land  had 
been  invaded  until  several  days  after  the  event 
had  occurred  I 

Misfortunes  far  worse  than  anything  which 
had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  its  ally  now  awaittJ  Peru, 
which  first  attempted  an  officious  mediation  and 
then  declared  war  on  the  4th  of  April.  Since 
Peru  and  Bolivia  together  had  a  population 
double  that  of  Chile,  and  since  Peru  possessed  a 
much  larger  army  and  navy  than  Chile,  the  allies 
counted  confidently  on  victory.  But  Peru's  army 
of  eight  thousand  —  having  within  four  hundred 
as  many  officers  as  men,  directed  by  no  fewer  than 
twenty-six  generals,  and  presided  over  by  a  civil 
government  altogether  inept  —  was  no  match  for 
an  army  less  than  a  third  of  its  size  to  be  sure, 
but  well  drilled  and  commanded,  and  with  a  sta- 
ble, progressive,  and  efficient  government  at  its 
back.  The  Peruvian  forces,  lacking  any  substan- 
tial support  from  Bolivia,  crumpled  under  the  ter- 
rific attacks  of  their  adversaries.  Efforts  on  the 
part  of  the  Uni*'ed  States  to  mediate  in  the  strug- 
gle were  blocked  by  the  dogged  refusal  of  Chile  to 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER  mi 
•bate  ita  demands  for  annexaUon.  Early  in  issi 
Hi  amy  entered  Lima  in  triumph,  and  the  war 
vaa  over. 

For  a  while  the  victori  treated  the  Peruvia.. 
•nd  their  capital  city  duunefuUy.   TheChileanK,.. 
diers  .tripped  the  natiomd  Ubraiy  of  its  content* 
tore  up  the  lamp-post,  in  the  streets,  carried  away 
the  benches  in  the  pa. '.,.  and  even  shipped  off  the 
local  menagerie  to  Santiago!   What  they  did  not 
remove  or  dertroy  was  disposed  ^f  by  the  rabble  of 
Lmui.t«lf.  Butintwoyearssouttclychaoticdid 
the  conditions  in  the  hapless  county-  oecome  that 
Chile  at  length  had  to  set  up  a  government  in  order 
to  condude  a  peace.    It  was  not  until  October  20. 
1888.  that  the  treaty  was  signed  at  Lima  and  rati- 
fied later  at  Anc6n.    Peru  was  foreed  to  cede  Tara- 
pacA  outright  and  to  agree  that  Tacna  and  Arica 
ahould  be  held  by  Chile  forten  years.    At  theex- 
pir.  twn  of  this  period  the  inhabitants  of  the  two 
P'  .vmces  were  to  be  allowed  to  choose  by  vote  the 
country  to  which  they  would  prefer  to  belong,  and 
the  nation  that  won  the  election  was  to  pay  the 
hwerlO.OOO.OOOp«o*.  In  April.  1884.  Bolivia,  also 
entered  mto  an  arrangement  with  Chile,  according 
to  which  a  portion  of  its  seacoast  should  be  c^ded 
absolutely  and  theremainder  should  be  occupied  by 


il 


M 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Qiile  until  a  more  definite  understanding  on  tlie 
matter  could  be  reached. 

C3u1e  emeiged  from  the  war  not  only  triumphant 
over  it*  northern  rivab  but  dominant  on  the  west 
ooaft  of  South  America.  Important  developments 
in  Chilean  national  policy  followed.  To  maintain 
its  vantage  and  to  guard  against  reprisals,  the  vic- 
torious state  had  to  keep  in  military  readiness  on 
land  and  sea.  It  therefore  looked  to  Prussia  for  a 
pattern  for  its  army  and  to  Great  Britain  for  a 
model  for  its  navy. 

Peru  had  suffered  cruelly  from  the  war.  Its 
t  ;rritorial  losses  deprived  it  of  an  opportunity  to 
satisfy  its  foreign  creditors  through  a  grant  of  con- 
cessions. The  public  treasury,  too,  was  empty, 
and  many  a  private  fortune  had  melted  away.  Not 
until  a  military  hand  stronger  than  its  competitors 
managed  to  secure  a  firm  grip  on  affairs  did  Peru 
begin  once  more  its  toilsome  journey  toward 
material  betterment. 

Bolivia,  on  its  part,  had  emerged  from  the  strug- 
gle practically  a  landlocked  country.  Though  be- 
reft of  access  to  the  sea  except  by  permission  of 
its  neighbors,  it  had,  however,  not  endured  any- 
thing like  the  calamities  of  its  ally.  In  1880 
it  had  adopted  a  permanent  constitution  and  it 


;  < 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER       143 

now  entered  upon  m  coune  of  tlow  and  relatively 
peaceful  pragPM. 

In  the  republics  to  the  northward  struggles  be- 
tween clericals  and  radicals  caused  sharp,  abrupt 
alternations  in  government.   In  Ecuador  the  hos- 
tility  between  cIcricaU  and  radicals  was  all  the 
more  bitter  because  of  the  rivalry  of  the  two  chief 
towns,  Guayaquil  the  seaport  and  Quito  the  capi- 
tal, each  of  which  sheltered  a  faction.   No  sooner 
therefore  had  Garda  Moreno  f alleu  than  the  radi- 
cals  of  Guayaquil  rose  up  against  the  clericals  at 
Quito.    Once  in  power,  they  hunted  their  ene- 
mies down  until  order  under  a  dictator  could  be 
restored.    The  military  President  who  assumed 
power  in  1876  was  too  radical  to  suit  the  clericals 
and  too  clerical  to  suit  the  radicals.    Acconlingly 
his  opponents  decided  to  make  the  contest  three- 
comored  by  fighting  the  dictator  and  one  another 
When  the  President  had  been  forced  out.  a  conser- 
vative  took  charge  until  parUes  of  bushwhackers 
and  mutinous  soldiers  were  able  to  insUlI  a  mili- 
taiy  leader,  whose  retenUon  of  power  was  brief. 
In  1888  another  conservaUve,  who  had  been  ab- 
sent from  the  country  when  elected  and  who  was 
«B  adept  in  law  and  diplomacy,  managed  to  win 


f 


Riii 


1 1 4  • 


144  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

sufficient  support  from  all  three  factions  to  retain 
office  for  the  constitutional  period. 

In  Colombia  a  financial  crbis  had  been  approach- 
ing ever  since  the  price  of  coffee,  cocoa,  and  other 
Colombif  products  had  fallen  in  the  European 
markets.  This  decrease  had  caused  a  serious 
diminution  in  the  export  trade  and  had  forced  gold 
and  silver  practically  out  of  circulation.  At  the 
same  time  the  various  "states"  were  increasing 
their  powers  at  the  expense  of  the  federal  Govern- 
ment, and  the  country  was  rent  by  factions.  In 
order  to  give  the  republic  a  thoroughly  centralized 
adminbtration  which  would  restore  financial  con- 
fidence and  bring  back  the  influence  of  the  Chiuch 
as  a  social  and  political  factor,  a  genuine  revolu- 
tion, which  was  started  in  1870,  eventually  put  an 
end  to  both  radicalism  and  states'  rights.  At  the 
outset  Rafael  Niifiez,  the  unitaiy  and  clerical  can- 
didate and  a  lawyer  by  profession,  was  beaten  on 
the  field,  but  at  a  subsequent  election  he  ob- 
tained the  requisite  number  of  votes  and,  in  1880, 
assumed  the  presidency.  That  the  loser  in  war 
should  become  the  victor  in  peace  showed  the 
futility  of  bloodshed  in  such  revolutions. 

Not  until  Ntifiez  came  into  office  again  did  he 
feel  himself  strong  enough  to  uproot  altogether  the 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER        lu 
radicalism  and  disunion  which  had  flourished  since 
I860.   Ignoring  the  national  Legislature,  he  called 
a  Congress  of  his  own,  which  in  1886  framed  a 
constitution  that  converted  the  "sovereign  states" 
mto  "departments."  or  mere  administrative  dis- 
tects  to  be  ruled  as  the  national  Government  saw 
fit.   Further,  the  presidential  term  was  lengtiiened 
from  two  years  to  six.  and  tiie  name  of  the  country 
was  changed,  finally,  to  "Republic  of  Colombia  " 
Two  years  later  tiie  power  of  the  Church  was 
strengthened  by  a  concordat  witii  the  Pope. 

Venezuela  on  its  part  had  undergone  changes 
no  less  marked.  A  liberal  constitution  promul- 
gated  in  1864  had  provided  for  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  ti>e  country  on  a  federal  basis.  The  name 
chosen  for  the  republic  was  "United  States  of 
Venezuela."  Mor«  than  that,  it  had  anticipated 
Mexico  and  Guatemala  in  being  tiie  first  of  the 
Hispanic  nations  to  witness  tiie  estiiblishment  of 
a  presidential  autocracy  of  tiie  continuous  and 
enlightened  type. 

Antonio  Guzmdn  Blanco  was  the  man  who  im- 
posed upon  Venezuela  for  about  nineteen  years  a 
regime  of  obedience  to  law,  and.  to  some  extent, 
of  modem  ideas  of  administration  such  as  the 
country  had  never  known  before.     A  person  of 

10 


ii! 


' 


U9  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

much  versatility,  he  had  studied  medicine  and  law 
before  he  became  a  soldier  and  a  politician.  Later 
he  displayed  another  kind  of  versatility  by  letting 
henchmen  hold  the  presidential  o£Sce  while  he  re- 
mained the  power  behind  the  throne.  Endowed 
with  a  masterful  will  and  a  pronounced  taste  for 
minute  supervision,  he  had  exactly  the  ability 
necessary  to  rule  Venezuela  wisely  and  well. 

Amid  considerable  opposition  he  began,  in  1870, 
the  first  of  his  three  periods  of  administration 
— the  Septmnium,  as  it  was  termed.  The  "sov- 
ereign" states  he  governed  through  "sovereign" 
officials  of  his  own  selection.  He  stopped  the  plun- 
dering of  farms  and  the  dragging  of  laborers  off 
to  military  service.  He  established  in  Venezuela 
an  excellent  monetaiy  system.  Great  sums  were 
expended  in  the  erection  of  public  and  private 
buildings  and  in  the  embellishment  of  Caracas. 
European  capital  and  immigration  were  encour- 
aged to  venture  into  a  country  hitherto  so  torn 
by  chronic  disorder  as  to  deprive  both  labor  and 
property  of  all  guarantees.  Roads,  railways,  and 
telegraph  lines  were  constructed.  The  ministers 
of  the  Church  were  rendered  submissive  to  the  civil 
power.  Primary  education  became  alike  free  and 
compulsory.   As  the  phrase  went,  Guzm&n  Blanco 


GREATER  STATES  AND  LESSER  147 
"taught  Venezuela  to  read."  At  the  end  of  his 
term  of  office  he  went  into  voluntaiy  retirement. 

In  1879  Guzmdn  Blanco  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  movement  which  he  calJed  a  "revolution  of  re- 
plevin"—which  meant,  presumably,  that  he  was 

opposed  to presidential"continuism,"andinfavor 
ofrepublicaninstitutions!  Although  a  constitution 
promulgated  in  1881  fixed  the  chief  magistrate's 
term  of  office  at  two  years,  the  success  which  Guz- 
mto  Blanco  had  attained  enabled  him  to  control  af- 
fairs for  five  years  -  the  Quinquennium,  as  it  was 
called.    Thereupon  he  procured  his  appointment 
to  a  diplomatic  post  in  Europe;  but  the  popular  de- 
mand  for  Ws  presence  was  too  strongfor  him  to  re- 
main away.  In  1886  he  was  elected  by  acclamation. 
He  held  office  two  years  more  and  then,  finding  that 
his  influence  had  waned,  he  left  Venezuela  for  good. 
Whatever  his  faulte  in  other  respects,  Guzmdn 
Blanco — be  it  said  to  his  credit — tried  to  destroy 
the  pest  of  periodical  revolutions  in  his  country. 
Thanks  to  his  vigorous  suppression  of  these  upris- 
ings, some  vears  of  at  least  comparative  security 
were  made  possible.     More  than  any  other  Presi- 
dent the  nation  had  ever  had,  he  was  entitled  to  the 
distinction  of  having  been  a  benefactor,  if  not 
altogether  a  regenerator,  of  his  native  land. 


i'^  r 


-r 


IM 


\r 


CHAPTER  Vra 

"on  the  margin  op  intebnational  ufb" 

During  the  period  from  1889  to  1907  two  inddents 
revealed  the  standing  that  the  republics  of  His- 
panic America  had  now  acquired  in  the  world 
at  large.  In  1889  at  Washington,  and  later  in 
their  own  capital  cities,  they  met  with  the  United 
States  in  council.  In  1899,  and  again  in  1907, 
they  joined  their  great  northern  neighbor  and  the 
nations  of  Europe  and  Asia  at  The  Hague  for 
deliberation  on  mutual  concerns,  and  they  were 
admitted  to  an  international  fellowship  and  co6p- 
eration  far  beyond  a  mere  recognition  of  their  in- 
dependence and  a  formal  interchange  of  diplomats 
.  'd  consuls. 

Since  attempts  of  the  Hispanic  countries  them- 
selves to  realize  the  aims  of  Bolivar  in  calling  the 
Congress  at  Panami  had  failed,  the  United  States 
now  undertook  to  call  into  existence  a  sort  of  inter- 
American  Congress.  Instead  of  being  merely  a 
us 


>-"\: 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  14b 

supporter,  the  great  republic  of  the  north  had  re- 
solved to  become  the  director  of  the  movement  for 
greater  solidarity  in  thought  and  action.  By  link- 
ing up  the  concerns  of  the  Hispanic  nations  with 
it.  own  destinies  it  would  assert  not  so  much  its 
position  as  guardian  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  as  its 
headship,  if  not  its  actual  dominance,  m  the  New 
World,  and  would  so  widen  the  bounds  of  its  po- 
litical and  commercial  influence  — a  tendency 
known  as  "imperialism."  Such  was  the  way,  at 
least,  in  which  the  Hispanic  republics  came  to  view 
the  action  of  the  "  Colossus  of  the  North  "  in  invit- 
ing them  to  participute  in  an  assemblage  meeting 
more  or  less  periodically  and  termed  officially  the 
"International  Conference  of  American  States," 
and  popularly  the  "Pan-American  Conference." 

Whether  the  mistrust  the  smaller  countries  felt 
at  the  outset  was  lessened  in  any  degree  by  the 
attendance  of  their  delegates  at  the  sessions  of  this 
conference  remains  open  to  question.  Although 
these  representatives,  in  common  with  their  col- 
leagues from  the  United  States,  assented  to  a 
variety  of  conventions  and  passed  a  much  larger 
number  of  resolutions,  their  acquiescence  seemed 
due  to  a  desire  to  gratify  their  powerful  associate, 
rather  than  to  a  belief  in  the  possible  utility  of  such 


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IW  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

measures.   The  experience  of  the  earlier  gatherings 
had  demonstrated  that  political  issues  would  have 
to  be  excluded  from  consideration.    Propositions, 
for  example,  such  as  that  to  extend  the  basic  idea 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  into  a  sort  of  self-denying 
ordinance,  under  which  all  the  nntions  of  America 
should  agree  to  abstain  thereafter  from  acquiring 
any  part  of  one  another's  territory  by  conquest, 
and  to  adopt,  also,  the  principle  of  compulsory  ar- 
bitration, proved  impossible  of  acceptance.    Ac- 
cordingly, from  that  time  onward  the  matters 
treated  by  the  Conference  dealt  for  the  most  part 
with  innocuous,  though  often  praiseworthy,  proj- 
ects for  bringing  the  United  States  t  id  iU  sister 
republics  into  closer  commercial,  industrial,  and 
intellectual  relations. 

The  gathering  itself,  on  the  other  hand,  became 
to  a  large  extent  a  fiesta,  a  festive  occasion  for  the 
Jisplay  of  social  amenities.  Much  as  the  Hispanic 
Americans  missed  their  favorite  topic  of  politics, 
they  found  consolation  in  entertaiukj  the  distin- 
guished foreign  visitors  with  the  genial  courtesy 
and  generous  hospitality  for  which  they  are  fa- 
mous. As  one  of  their  periodicals  later  expressed 
it,  since  a  discussion  of  politics  was  tabooed,  it  were 
better  to  devote  the  sessions  of  the  Conference 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  Wi 

to  talking  about  music  and  lyric  poetiyl  At  all 
events,  as  far  as  the  outcome  was  concerned,  their 
national  legislatures  ratified  comparatively  few  of 
the  conventions. 

Among  the  Hispanic  nations  of  America  only 
Mexico  took  part  ii.  the  First  Conference  at  The 
Hague.   Practically  all  of  them  were  represented 
at  the  second.   The  appearance  of  their  delegates 
at  these  august  assemblages  of  the  powers  of  earth 
was  viewed  for  a  while  with  mixed  feelings.    The 
attitude  of  the  Great  Powers  towards  them  re- 
sembled that  of  parents  of  the  old  regime:  children 
at  the  international  table  should  be  "seen  and  not 
heard."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Hispanic  Ameri- 
cans were  both  seen  and  heard  —  especially  the 
latter!    They  were  able  to  show  the  Europeans 
that,  even  if  they  did  happen  to  come  from  rela- 
tively weak  states,  they  possessed  a  skillful  in- 
telligence, a  breadth  of  knowledge,  a  capacity  for 
expression,  and  a  consciousness  of  national  char- 
acter, which  would  not  allow  them  simply  to  play 
"Man  Friday"  to  an  international  Crusoe.    The 
president  of  the  second  conference,  indeed,  con- 
fessed that  they  had  been  a  "  revelation  "  to  him. 

Hence,  as  time  went  on,  the  progress  and  possi- 
bilities of  the  republics  of  Hispanic  America  came 


J'' 


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I     ! 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

to  be  appreciated  more  and  more  by  the  world  at 
large.  Gradually  people  began  to  realise  that  the 
countries  louth  of  the  United  Statei  were  not 
merely  an  indistinguishable  block  on  the  map, 
to  be  referred  to  vaguely  as  "Central  and  South 
America"  or  as  "Latin  America."  The  reading 
public  at  least  knew  that  these  countries  were  quite 
different  from  one  another,  both  in  achievements 
and  in  prospects. 

Yet  the  fact  remains  that,  despite  their  active 
part  in  these  American  and  European  conferences, 
the  Hispanic  countries  of  the  New  World  did  not 
receive  the  recognition  which  they  felt  was  their 
due.  Their  national  associates  in  ihe  European 
gatherings  were  disinclined  to  admit  that  the 
possession  of  independence  and  sovereignty  en- 
titled them  to  equal  representation .  n  international 
council  boards.  To  a  greater  or  less  degree,  there- 
fore, they  continued  to  stay  in  the  borderland 
where  no  one  either  affirmed  or  denied  their  in- 
dividuality. To  quote  the  phrase  of  an  Hispanic 
American,  they  stood  "on  the  margin  of  interna- 
tional life."  How  far  they  might  pass  beyond  it 
into  the  full  privileges  of  recognition  and  associa- 
tion on  equul  terms,  would  depend  upon  the  readi- 
ness with  which  they  could  atone  for  the  errors 


INTEBNATIONAL IIFB  m 

or  noover  from  th«  misfortunet  <rf  the  part,  and 
upon  their  power  to  attain  itability,  proiperily, 
•trength,  and  responsibility. 

Certain  of  the  Hispanic  republics,  however,  wen 
not  aUowed  to  remain  alone  on  their  side  of  "the 
margin  of  international  life."   Though  nothing  so 
extreme  as  the  earlier  French  intervention  took 
place,  foreign  nations  were  not  at  all  averse  to 
crossing  over  the  marginal  line  and  teaching  them 
what  a  failure  to  comply  with  international  obliga- 
tions meant.   The  period  from  1889  to  1907.  there- 
fore,  is  characterized  also  by  interference  on  the 
part  of  European  powers,  and  by  inteiposition 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  in  the  affaiia 
of  countries  in  and  around  the  Caribbean  Sea. 
Because  of  the  action  taken  by  the  United  States 
two  more  republics  —  Cuba  and  PanamA  —  came 
into  being,  thus  increasing  the  number  of  politi- 
cal offshoots  from  Spain  in  America  to  eighteen. 
Another  result  of  this  interposition  was  the  crea^ 
tion  of  what  were  substantially  American  protec- 
torates. Here  the  United  States  did  not  deprive  the 
countries  concerned  of  their  independence  and  sov- 
ereignty, but  subjected  them  to  a  kind  of  guardian- 
ship or  tutelage,  so  far  as  it  thought  needful  to  insure 
sUbility.  solvency,  health,  and  welfare  in  general. 


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IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Fonmott  in  the  northern  group  of  Hiipanic  na- 
tSns,  Mexico,  under  the  guidance  of  Dlu,  nuuched 
ateadily  onward.  Peace,  order,and  law;  an  increas- 
ing populrtion;  internal  wealth  and  well-being;  a 
flourishing  industry  and  commerce;  suitable  care 
for  things  menUl  as  well  as  material;  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  foreigners  —  these  were  bless- 
ings which  the  country  had  hitherto  never  beheld. 
The  Mexicans,  once  in  anarchy  and  enmity  created 
by  militarists  and  clericals,  came  to  know  one 
another  in  friendship,  and  arrived  at  something 
like  a  national  consciousness. 

In  1880  there  was  held  the  first  conference  on 
educational  problems  which  the  republic  had  ever 
had.  Three  years  later  a  mining  code  was  drawn 
up  which  made  ownership  inviolable  on  payment 
of  lawful  dues,  removed  uncertainties  of  opera- 
tion, and  stimulated  the  industry  in  a  remarkable 
fashion.  Far  less  beneficial  in  the  long  run  was 
a  law  enacted  in  1894.  Instead  of  granting  a  legal 
title  to  lands  held  by  prescriptive  rights  through 
an  occupation  of  many  years,  it  made  such  prop- 
erty part  of  the  public  domain,  which  might  be 
acquired,  like  a  mining  claim,  by  any  one  who  could 
secure  a  grant  of  it  from  the  Government.  Though 
hailed  at  the  time  as  a  piece  of  constructive 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  m 

legiriation,  it«  unfortunate  sffect  wa.  to  enable  large 
landowner!  who  wiihed  to  increase  their  pouei- 
•ioni  to  oust  poor  cultivator,  of  the  «>il  from  their 
humble  holding..    On  the  other  hand,  under  the 
■Utesmanlike  management  of  Joai  Yve.  Liman- 
tour.  the  Miniater  of  Pbance.  the  moneUiy  .itua- 
tion  at  home  and  abroad  wa.  .trengthened  bey«Mid 
inea.uie,  and  banking  interest,  were  promoted 
accordingly.    Further,  an  act  abolishing  the  alca- 
Ma,  a  vexatious  internal  revenue  tax.  gave  a  great 
stimulu.  to  freedom  of  commerce  throughout  the 
country.    In  order  to  insure  a  continuance  of  the 
new  regime,  the  constitution  was  altered  in  three 
important  respects.    The  amendment  of  1890  re- 
atored  the  origmal  clause  of  1857,  which  permitted 
mdefinite  reelection  to  the  presidency;  that  of  1896 
ertablished  a  presidential  succession  in  case  of  a 
vacancy,  beginning  with  the  Mimster  of  Foreign 
Affairs:  and  tiiat  of  1904  lengthened  the  term  of 
the  chief  magistrate  from  four  years  to  six  and 
created  the  oflSce  of  Vice  President. 

InCentralAmericatworepublics.Guatemalaand 
Costa  Rica,  set  an  excellent  example  both.because 
they  were  free  from  internal  commotions  and  be- 
cause they  refrained  from  interference  in  tiie  af- 
fairs of  tiieirneighbors.  Thecontrastbetweenthese 


I      'I 


laa 


THE  HISPANIC  NAT.JNS 


tui  quk'.  ..ctle  natknu,  under  their  lairy«  Preti- 
denU.  and  the  bellkoM  but  equmlly  imdl  Nieu«- 
gua,  Hondunw,  and  Sal.ador.  under  their  chief • 
taint,  militaiy  and  juriitic,  wa*  quite  remarkable. 
NijyertheleM  another  attempt  at  confederation  waa 
made.  In  1895  the  ruler  of  Hondunw,  declaring 
that  reunion  waa  a  "primordial  necewity, "  invited 
hi*  fellow  potentates  of  Nicaragua  and  Salvador  to 
unite  in  creating  the  "Greater  Republic  of  Central 
America  "  and  aaked  Guatemala  and  Coata  Rica  to 
join.  Delegates  actually  appeared  from  all  five 
republics,  attended  fiettat,  gave  expression  to 
pious  wishes,  and  went  home !  Later  still,  in  190C, 
the  req»ective  Presidents  signed  a  "convention  of 
peace  and  obligatory  arbitration"  as  a  means  of 
adjusting  perpetual  disagreementt.  about  politics 
and  boundaries;  but  nothing  was  done  to  cany 
these  ideas  into  effect. 

The  personage  mainly  responsible  for  these 
failures  was  Jos£  Santos  Zelaya,  one  of  the  most 
arrant  militaiy  lordlets  and  meddlers  that  Central 
America  had  produced  in  a  long  time.  Since  1898 
he  had  been  dictator  of  Nicaragua,  a  country  not 
only  entangled  in  continuous  wrangles  among  its 
towns  and  factions,  but  bowed  under  an  enormous 
burden  of  debt  created  by  excessive  emissions  of 


INTBBNATl^NAL  LIFE  117 

papermoMywdbythecontrMUonofmortorleM 
■CMdakm.  foreign  loan..    Quito  undirturW  hy 
theflnandal  .ituation.  Zdaya  promptly  rifcnoed 
toed  bKikering.  and  devoted  hi.  eneigie.  to  alter- 
ing  the  coMUtution  for  hi.  preridential  benefit  and 
to  making  trouble  for  his  neighbor..    Nor  did  he 
refrain  from  diqihy.  of  arbitntry  conduct  that 
were  rare  to  provoke  foreign  intervention.    Great 
Britain,  for  example,  on  two  occasion,  exacted  le- 
paration  at  the  cannon*,  mouth  for  ill  treatment 
of  it.  citizens, 

Zelaya  waxed  wroth  at  the  spectacle  of  Guate- 
mala,  once  w  acU,e  in  revolutionaiy  arts  but  now 
quietly  minding  iu  own  busines..   In  looe,  there- 
fore, along  with  parties  of  Hondurans.  sillvado- 
rean..  and  disaffected  Guatemalans,  he  began  an 
mva.ion  of  that  country  and  continued  operations 
with  decreasing  succew  until,  the  United  Stete. 
and  Mexico  offering  their  mediation,  peace  was 
■igned  aboard  an  American  cruiser.    Then  when 
Costa  Rica  invited  the  other  repubUcs  to  discu» 
confederation  within  its  calm  frontiers.  Zelaya  pre- 
ferrcd  hi.  own  particular  occupation  to  any  such 
procedure.    Accordingly,  displeased  with  a  recent 
boundary  decision,  he  started  along  with  Salvador 
to  fight  Honduras.    Once  more  the  United  Stete. 


M 


f 


m: 


i   . 


1«8  THE  raSPANIC  NATIONS 

and  Mexico  tendered  their  food  offices,  and  again 
a  Central  American  conflict  was  closed  aboard  an 
American  warship.  About  the  only  real  achieve- 
ment of  Zelaya  was  the  signing  of  a  treaty  by  which 
Great  Britain  recognized  the  complete  sovereignty 
of  Nicaragua  over  the  Mosquito  Indians,  whose 
buzzing  for  a  larger  amount  of  freedom  and  more 
tribute  had  been  disturbing  unduly  the  "repose" 
of  that  small  nation! 

To  the  eastward  the  new  republic  of  Cuba  was 
about  to  be  bom.  Here  a  promise  of  adequate 
representation  in  the  Spanish  Cortes  and  of  a  local 
legislature  had  failed  to  satisfy  the  aspirations  of 
many  of  its  inhabitants.  The  discontent  was  ag- 
gravated by  lax  and  corrupt  methods  of  adminis- 
tration as  well  as  by  financial  difficulties.  Swarms 
of  Spanish  officials  enjoyed  large  salaries  without 
performing  duties  of  equivalent  value.  Not  a  few 
of  them  had  come  over  to  enrich  themselves  at 
public  expense  and  under  conditions  altogether 
scandalous.  On  Cuba,  furthermore,  was  saddled 
the  debt  incurred  by  the  Ten  Years'  War,  while 
the  island  continued  to  be  a  lucrative  market  for 
Spanish  goods  without  obtaining  from  Spain  a 
corresponding  advantage  for  its  own  products. 

As  the  insistence  upon  a  removal  of  these  abuses 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  159 

and  upon  a  grant  of  genuine  self-government  be- 
came  steadOy  more  clamorous,  three  political 
groups  appeared.    The  Constitutional  Unionists 
or    Austrianizers."  as  they  were  dubbed  because' 
of  their  avowed  loyalty  to  the  royal  house  of  Bour- 
bon-Hapsburg.  were  made  up  of  the  Spanish  and 
conservative  elements  and  represented  the  large 
economic  interests  and  the  Church.   The  Liberals, 
or    Autonomists,"  desired  such  reforms  in  the 
admmistration  as  would  assure  the  exercise  of 
self-government  and  yet  preserve  the  bond  with 
aie  mother  comitry.    On  the  other  hand,  the 

Radicals,  or  "Nationalists"-the  party  of  "Cuba 
Free  "-would  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short 
of  absolute  independence.  AH  these  diflFerences 
of  opmion  were  shaqjened  by  the  activities  of  a 
sensational  press. 

From  about  1890  onward  the  movement  toward 
independence  gathered  tremendous  strength  es- 
pecially when  the  Cubans  found  popular  sentiment 
m  the  United  States  so  favorable  to  it.  Excite- 
ment rose  still  higher  when  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment proposed  to  bestow  a  larger  measure  of 
autonomy.  When,  however,  the  Cortes  decided 
upon  less  liberal  arrangements,  the  Autonomists 
declared  that  they  had  been  deceived,  and  the 


,1' 


h 


I 


leo  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Nationalists  denounced  the  utter  unreliability  of 
Spanish  promises.  Even  if  the  concessions  had 
been  generous,  the  result  probably  would  have 
been  the  same,  for  by  this  time  the  plot  to  set 
Cuba  free  had  become  so  widespread,  both  in  the 
island  itself  and  among  the  refugees  in  the  United 
States,  that  the  inevitable  struggle  could  not  have 
been  deferred. 

In  1895  the  revolution  broke  out.  The  whites, 
headed  by  M6ximo  G6mez,  and  the  negroes  and 
mulattoes  by  their  chieftain,  Antonio  Maceo,  both 
of  whom  had  done  valiant  service  in  the  earlier  war, 
started  upon  a  campaign  of  deliberate  terrorism. 
This  time  they  were  resolved  to  win  at  any  cost. 
Spuming  every  oflFer  of  conciliation,  they  burned, 
ravaged,  and  laid  waste,  spread  desolation  along 
their  pathway,  and  reduced  thousands  to  abject 
poverty  and  want. 

Then  the  Spanish  Government  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  nothing  but  the  most  rigorous  sort  of 
reprisals  would  check  the  excesses  of  the  rebels. 
In  1896  it  commissioned  Valeriano  Weyler,  an 
ofScer  who  personified  ferocity,  to  put  down  the 
rebellion.  If  the  insurgents  had  fancied  that  the 
conciliatory  spirit  hitherto  displayed  by  the  Span- 
iards was  due  to  irresolution  or  weakness,  they 


I 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  lei 

found  that  these  were  not  the  qualities  of  their  new 
opponent.    Weyler,  instead  of  tiying  to  suppress 
Uie  rebellion  by  hurrying  detachments  of  troops 
first  to  one  spot  and  then  to  another  in  pursuit  of 
enemies  accustomed  to  guerrilla  tactics,  deter- 
mmed  to  stamp  it  out  province  by  province.    To 
this  end  he  planted  his  army  finnly  in  one  par- 
ticular area,  prohibited  the  planting  or  harvesting 
of  crops  there,  and  ordered     .e  inhabitante  to  as- 
semble in  camps  which  they  were  not  permitted  to 
leave  on  any  pretext  whatever.    This  was  his  pol- 
icy of  "reconcentration."    Deficient  food  supply, 
lack  of  sanitary  precautions,  and  absence  of  moral 
safeguards  made  conditions  of  life  in  these  camps 
appalling.  Death  was  a  welcome  relief .  Reconcen- 
tration, combined  with  executions  and  deporta- 
tions, could  have  but  one  result— the  "pacifica- 
tion" of  Cuba  by  converting  it  into  a  desert. 

Not  in  the  United  States  alone  but  in  Spain  itself 
the  story  of  these  drastic  measures  kindled  popu- 
lar mdignation  to  such  an  extent  that,  in  1897 
«ie  Government  was  forced  to  recall  the  ferocious 
Weyler  and  to  send  over  a  new  Governor  and 
Captam  General,  with  instructions  to  abandon  the 
worst  features  of  his  predecessor's  policy  and  to 
esUblish  a  complete  system  of  autonomy  in  both 


I' 


''^ 


;  I!?.. 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  Feeling  assured,  however, 
that  an  ally  was  at  hand  who  would  soon  make 
their  independence  certain,  the  Cuban  patriots 
flatly  rejected  these  overtures.  In  their  expecta- 
tions they  were  not  mistaken.  By  its  armed  in- 
tervention, in  the  following  year  the  United  States 
acquired  Porto  Rico  for  itself  and  compelled  Spain 
to  withdraw  from  Cuba.' 

The  island  then  became  a  republic,  subject  only 
to  such  limitations  on  its  freedom  of  action  as  its 
big  guardian  might  see  fit  to  impose.  Not  only  was 
Cuba  placed  under  American  rule  from  1899  to 
1902,  but  it  had  to  insert  in  the  Constitution  of 
1901  certain  clauses  that  could  not  fail  to  be  galling 
to  Cuban  pride.  Among  them  two  were  of  special 
significance.  One  imposed  limitations  on  the  finan- 
cial powers  of  the  Government  of  the  new  nation, 
&nd  the  other  authorized  the  United  States,  at  its 
discretion,  to  intervene  in  Cuban  affairs  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  public  order.  The  Cubans, 
it  would  seem,  had  exchanged  a  dependence  on 
Spain  for  a  restricted  independence  measured  by 
the  will  of  a  coimtry  infinitely  stronger. 

Cuba  began  its  life  as  a  republic  in  1902,  under 


i 


'See  The  Path  of  Empire,  by  Carl  Russell  Pish  (in  The  Chromden 
tif  America). 


INTERNATIONAL  LIFE  las 

a jovemnent  for  which  a  form  both  unitary  «ad 
federalhad  been  provided.   Tomfis  Estrada Palma. 
the  first  President  and  long  the  head  of  the  Cuban 
junta  m  the  United  States,  showed  himself  dis- 
IH»ed  from  the  outset  to  continue  the  beneficial 
reforms  m  administration  wWch  had  been  intro- 
duced under  American  rule.  Prudent  and  concilia- 
tory m  temperament,  he  tried  to  dispel  as  best  he 
could  the  bitter  recollections  of  the  war  and  to 
repan-  its  ravages.    In  this  policy  he  was  upheld 
bytheconservativoclass.   rModerates.   Theirop- 
ponents.  the  Liberals,  dominated  by  men  of  radi- 
cal tendencies,  were  eager  to  assert  the  right,  to 
which  they  thought  Cuba  entitled  as  an  indepen- 
dent sovereign  nation,  to  make  possible  mistakes 
and  correct  them  without  having  the  United  States 
forever  holding  the  ferule  of  the  schoolmaster  over 
It.   They  were  well  aware,  however,  that  they  were 
not  at  liberty  to  have  their  country  pass  through 
the  tempestuous  experience  which  had  been  the  lot 
of  so  many  Hispanic  republics.    They  could  vent 
a  natural  anger  and  disappointment,  nevertheless, 
on  the  President  and  his  supporters.    Rather 
than  continue  to  be  governed  by  Cubans  not  to 
their  hking,  they  were  willing  to  bring  about  a 
renewal  of  American  rule. 


'.  H 


Id 


I- 

:  t,: 


r. 

1 1 


IS 


164  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

In  this  respect  the  wishes  of  the  Radicals  were 
soon  gratified.  Hardly  had  Estrada  Palma,  in  1906, 
assumed  office  for  a  second  time,  when  parties  of 
malcontents,  declaring  t'lat  he  had  secured  his  re- 
election by  fraudulent  means,  rose  up  in  arms  and 
demanded  that  he  annul  the  vote  and  hold  a  fair 
election.  The  President  accepted  the  challenge 
and  waged  a  futile  conflict,  and  again  the  United 
States  intervened.  Upon  the  resignation  of  Es- 
trada Palma,  an  American  Governor  was  again  in- 
stalled, and  Cuba  was  told  in  unmistakable  fashion 
that  the  next  intervention  might  be  permanent. 

Less  drastic  but  quite  as  effectual  a  method  of 
assuring  order  and  regularity  in  administration  was 
the  action  taken  by  the  United  States  in  another 
Caribbean  island.  A  little  country  like  the  Domin- 
ican Republic,  in  which  few  Presidents  managed  to 
retain  their  offices  for  terms  fixed  by  changeable 
constitutions,  could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  rid 
itself  of  a  ruler  who  had  held  power  for  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century.  After  he  had  been  disposed 
of  by  assassination  in  1899,  the  government  of 
his  successor  undertook  to  repudiate  a  depreciated 
paper  currency  by  ordering  the  customs  duties  to  be 
paid  in  specie;  and  it  also  tried  to  prevent  the  con- 
sul of  an  aggrieved  foreign  nation  from  attaching 


J 


INTERNATIONAL  UPE  isfi 

certain  revenues  as  security  for  the  payment  of 
the  arrears  of  an  indeuinity.  Thereupon,  in  1906, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  entered  into  an 
arrangement  with  the  Dominican  Government 
whereby,  in  return  for  a  pledge  from  the  former 
countiy  to  guarantee  the  territorial  integrity  of  the 
republic  and  an  Pgreement  to  adjust  all  of  its  ex- 
ternal obligations  of  a  pecuniary  sort.  American 
officials  were  to  take  charge  of  the  custom  house 
and  apportion  the  receipte  from  that  source  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  satisfy  domestic  needs  and 
pay  foreign  creditors.' 

-See  r*.  Palk  of  Empin.  by  Cul  BumU  Fuh  (ia  Th,  Chtmubt 
ifAmirua). 


!• 


t 


CHAPTER  IX 


k' 


I 


i 


TBB  RXPUBUCS  OF  SOUTH  AUEBICA 

Even  so  huge  and  conservative  a  country  as  Brazil 
could  not  start  out  upon  the  pathway  of  repub- 
lican freedom  without  some  unrest;  but  the  political 
experience  gained  under  a  regime  of  limited  mon- 
archy had  a  steadying  effect,  llesides,  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1889  had  been  effected  by  a  combination  of 
army  officers  and  civilian  enthusiasts  who  knew 
that  the  provinces  were  ready  for  a  radical  change 
ill  the  form  of  government,  but  who  were  wise 
enough  to  make  haste  slowly.  If  a  motto  could 
mean  anything,  the  adoption  of  the  positivist 
device,  "Order  and  Progress,"  displayed  on  the 
national  flag  seemed  a  happy  augury. 

The  constitution  promulgated  in  1891  set  up  a 
federal  union  broadly  similar  to  that  of  the  United 
States,  except  that  the  powers  of  the  general  Gov- 
ernment were  somewhat  more  restricted.  Quali- 
fications for  the  suffrage  were  directly  fixed  in 


THE  BBPUBUCS  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA  1«7 
the  fundamenUl  law  iteelf,  but  the  educaUoiut] 
teste  imposed  excluded  the  great  bulk  of  the  popu- 
lation from  the  right  to  vote.  In  the  constitution, 
also.  Church  and  State  were  declared  absolutely 
sqiarate,  and  civil  marriage  was  prescribed. 

Well  adapted  as  the  constitution  was  to  the  par- 
ticular needs  of  Brasal.  the  Government  erected 
under  it  had  to  contend  awhile  with  political  dis- 
turbances. Though  conflicts  occurred  between  the 
President  and  the  Congress,  between  the  federal  au- 
thority and  the  States,  and  between  the  civil  ad- 
ministration and  naval  and  military  oflScials,  none 
were  so  constant,  so  prolonged,  or  so  disastrous  as 
in  the  Spanish  American  republics.    Even  when 
elected  by  the  connivance  of  government  officials, 
ti.c  chief  magistrate  governed  in  accordance  with 
republican  forms.    Presidential  power,  in  fact,  was 
restrained  both  by  the  huge  size  of  the  country 
and  by  the  spirit  of  local  autonomy  upheld  by 
the  States. 

Ever  since  the  war  with  Paraguay  the  financial 
credit  of  Brazil  had  been  impaired.  The  chronic 
deficit  in  the  treasury  had  been  further  increased 
by  a  serious  lowering  in  the  rate  of  exchange,  which 
was  due  to  an  excessive  issue  of  paper  money.  In 
order  to  save  the  nation  from  bankruptcy  Manoel 


I 


1«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Femi  de  Campos  Sallei,  a  distinguuhed  Jurist,  wu 
commissioned  to  effect  an  adjustment  with  the 
British  creditors.  As  a  result  of  his  negotiations  a 
"funding  loan"  was  obtained,  in  return  for  which 
L  -^uivalent  amount  in  paper  money  was  to  be 
turned  over  for  cancellation  at  a  fixed  rate  of 
exchange.  Under  this  arrangement  depreciation 
ceased  for  awhile  and  the  financial  outlook  be- 
came brighter. 

The  election  of  Campos  Salles  to  the  presidency 
in  1898,  as  a  reward  for  his  success,  was  accom- 
panied by  the  rise  of  definite  political  parties. 
Among  them  the  Radicals  or  Progressists  favored 
a  policy  of  centralization  under  military  auspices 
and  exhibited  certain  antiforeign  tendencies.  The 
Moderates  or  Republicans,  on  the  contrary,  with 
Campos  Salles  as  their  candidate,  declared  for 
the  existing  constitution  and  advocated  a  gradual 
adoption  of  such  reforms  as  reason  and  time  might 
suggest.  When  the  latter  party  won  the  election, 
confidence  in  the  stability  of  Brazil  returned. 

As  if  Uruguay  had  not  already  suffered  enough 
from  internal  discords,  two  more  serious  conflicts 
demonstrated  once  again  that  this  little  country,  in 
which  political  power  had  been  held  substantially 
by  one  party  alone  since  1865,  could  not  hope  for 


THE  RBPDBUCS  OF  SOUTH  ABIERICA    IW 
pemunent  peace  until  -ither  the  excluded  and  ap> 
parently  imconcikble  party  had  been  finally  and 
utterly  crushed,  or,  far  better  stUl.  unUl  the  two 
factions  could  manage  to  agree  upon  some  satis- 
factory arrangement  for  rotation  in  office.    The 
struggle  of  1897  ended  in  the  assassination  of  the 
President  and  in  a  division  of  the  republ>'?  into  two 
practically  separate  areas,  one  ruled  by  the  Colo- 
rados  at  Montevideo,  the  other  by  the  Blaneo*. 
A  renewal  of  civil  war  in  1904  seemed  altogether 
preferable  to  an  indefinite  continuance  of  this 
dualism  in  government,  even  at  the  risk  of  fric- 
tion with  Argentina,  which  was  charged  with  not 
having  observed  strict  neutrality.    This  second 
struggle  came  to  a  close  with  the  death  of  the 
'nsurgent  leader;  but  it  cost  the  lives  of  thousands 
and  did  irreparable  damage  to  the  commerce  and 
industry  of  the  country. 

Uruguay  then  enjoyed  a  respite  from  party  up- 
heavals until  1910,  when  Jos6  Batlle,  the  able,  reso- 
lute, and  radical-minded  head  of  the  Cohradot, 
announced  that  he  would  be  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  As  he  had  held  the  office  before  and 
had  never  ceased  to  wield  a  strong  personal  influ- 
ence over  the  administration  of  his  successor,  the 
Blancos  decided  that  now  was  the  time  to  attempt 


i\ 


i ,  * 


j; 


g 


170  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

once  more  to  oust  their  opponenU  from  the  control 
whfch  they  had  monopolised  for  half  a  century. 
Aocuaing  the  Government  of  an  unconstitutional 
centralisation  of  power  in  the  executive,  of  prevent- 
ing free  elections,  and  of  crippling  the  pastoral 
industries  of  the  country,  they  started  a  revolt, 
which  ran  a  brief  course.    Batlle  proved  himsetf 
equal  to  the  situation  and  quickly  suppressed  the 
insurrecUon.    Though  he  did  make  a  wide  use 
of  his  authority,  the  President  refrained  from  in- 
dulging in  political  persecution  and  allowed  the 
press  all  the  liberty  it  desired  in  so  far  as  was 
consistent  with  the  law.    It  was  under  his  direc- 
tion that  Uruguay  entered  upon  a  remarkable 
series  of  experiments  in  the  nationalization  of  busi- 
ness enterprises.    Further,  more  or  less  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Batlle,  a  new  constitution  was  ratified  by 
popular  vote  in  1917.    It  provided  for  a  division  of 
the  executive  power  between  the  President  and  a 
National  "Council  of  Administration,  forbade  the 
election  of  administrative  and  military  oflScials  to 
the  Congress,  granted  to  that  body  a  considerable 
increase  of  power,  and  enlarged  the  facilities  for 
local  self-government.    In  addition,  it  esteblished 
the  principle  of  minority  representation  and  of 
secrecy  of  the  baUot,  permitted  the  Congress  to 


][ 


TFIE  REPUBUC8  OP  SOUTH  AMEMCA    171 

extend  the  rightof«,ff«ge  to  women.anddiuoIv«| 
the  union  bet  .unchurch  MdSute.  Iftheterm. 
ol  the  new  initrument  ue  hiQJully  obwmd.  the 
old  .taiggle  between  Blanco,  and  Colorado^  wiJJ 
have  been  brought  definitely  to  a  dow. 

P«aguay  hp^d  after  18&8  into  the  earlier  .in. 
cSpanuh  America.    Upon  a  comparatively  pUdd 
presidenUal  regime  followed  a  «rie.  of  barrack 
upmmg.  or  attack,  by  Congrewon  thecxecuUve. 
The  con.UtuUon  became  a  farce.    No  longer,  to  be 
•u».  an  abode  of  Arcadian  .eclu.ion  a.  in  colonial 
tmie..  or  a  «,rt  of  territorial  cobweb  from  the  cen- 
ter of  which  a  n>iderlike  Franca  hung  motionle« 
or  darted  upon  his  haple..  prey,  or  even  a  battle 
ground  on  which  fanaUcal  warrio«  might  fight 
and  die  at  the  behest  of  a  savage  L6pei,  Paraguay 
-iow  took  on  the  aspect  of  an  an^na  in  which  petty 
political  gamecocks  might  tiy  out  their  spur.. 
Happrfy.  the  opposing  parUe.  .pent  their  energie. 
m  high  word,  and  vehement  gesture,  rather  than 
m  blow,  and  bloodshed.    The  credit  of  the  coun- 
try .ank  lo.  ,r  and  lower  until  its  paper  money 
rtood  at  a  discount  of  .everil  hundred  per  cent 
compared  with  gold. 

European  bankers  had  begun  to  view  the  fimin- 
cial  future  of  Argentina  also  with  great  alarm.    In 


(ll'l 


:(    ■ 


178  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

1890  the  mad  careering  of  private  speculation  and 
pubUc  expenditure  along  the  roseate  pathway  of 
Umitless  credit  reached  a  veriUble  "crisis  of  prog- 
ress."   A  frightful  panic  ensued.    Paper  money 
feU  to  less  than  a  quarter  of  its  former  value  in 
gold.  Many  a  firm  became  bankrupt,  and  many  a 
fortune  shriveled.    As  is  usual  in  such  cases,  the 
Government  had  to  shoulder  the  blame.    A  four- 
day  revolution  broke  out  in  Buenos  Aires,  and 
the  President  became  the  scapegoat;  but  the  panic 
went  on.nevertheless.until  gold  stoodat  nearlyfive 
to  one.    Most  of  the  banks  suspended  payment; 
the  national  debt  underwent  a  huge  increase;  and 
immigration  practically  ceased. 

By  1895,  however,  the  country  had  more  or  less 
resumed  its  normal  condition.    A  new  census 
showed  that  the  population  had  risen  to  four  mil- 
lion, about  a  sixth  of  whom  resided  in  the  capital. 
The  importance  which  agriculture  had  attamed 
was  attested  by  the  establishment  of  a  separate 
muiistryinthepresidenUalcabinet.  Industry, too. 
made  such  rapid  strides  at  this  time  Uiat  organ- 
ized kbor  began  to  Uke  a  hand  in  politics.    The 
short-Uved  "revolution"  of  1905,  for  example, 
was  not  primarily  the  work  of  politicians  but  of 
strikers  organized  into  a  workingmen's  federation. 


'a 


"         ,Hq«S0l0in 


THE  REPUBUCS  OF  SOUTH  AMEMCA  173 
Per  three  months  civil  guarantees  were  suspended, 
andbyaso-called'Maw  of  residence,  "enacted  some 
years  before  and  now  put  into  effect,  the  Govern- 
ment was  authorized  to  expel  summarily  any  for^ 
eigner  guilty  of  fomenting  strikes  or  of  disturbing 
public  order  in  any  other  fashion. 

Political  agitation  soon  assumed  a  new  form. 
Since  the  Autonomist-National  party  had  been  in 
control  for  thirty  years  or  more,  it  seemed  to  the 
Civic-Nationah'sts,  now  known  as  Republicans,  to 
the  Autonomists  proper,  and  to  various  other  fac- 
tions, that  they  ought  to  do  something  to  break 
the  hold  of  that  powerful  organization.    Accord- 
ingly in  1906  the  President,  supported  by  a  coali- 
tion of  these  factions,  started  what  was  termed 
an  "upward-downward  revolution "  — in  other 
words,  a  series  of  interventions  by  which  local 
governors  and  members  of  legislatures  suspected  of 
Autonomist-National  leanings  were  to  be  replaced 
by  individuals  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the 
Administration.  Pretexts  for  such  action  were  not 
hard  to  find  under  the  terms  of  the  constitution; 
but  their  political  interests  suffered  so  much  in  the 
effort  that  the  promoters  had  to  abandon  it. 

Owing  to  persistent  obstruction  on  the  part  of 
Congress,  which  took  the  form  of  a  refusal  either 


In 

ll 


j; 


174 


THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 


i 


to  "anction  his  appointments  or  to  approve  the 
buaget,  the  President  suspended  the  sessions  of 
that  body  in  1908  and  decreed  a  continuance  of  the 
estimates  for  the  preceding  year.  The  antago- 
nism between  the  chief  executive  and  the  legisla- 
ture became  so  violent  that,  if  his  opponents  had 
not  been  split  up  into  factions,  civil  war  might  have 
ensued  in  Argentina. 

To  remedy  a  situation  made  worse  by  the  ab- 
sence —  usual  in  most  of  the  Hispanic  republics — 
of  a  secret  ballot  and  by  the  refusal  of  political 
malcontents  to  take  part  in  elections,  voting  was 
made  both  obligatory  and  secret  in  1911,  and  the 
principle  of  minority  representation  was  intro- 
duced. Legislation  of  this  sort  was  designed  to 
check  bribery  and  intimidation  and  to  enable  the 
radical-minded  to  do  their  duty  ac  the  polls.  Its 
effect  was  shown  five  years  later,  when  the  secret 
ballot  was  used  substantially  for  the  first  time. 
The  radicals  won  Iioth  the  presidency  and  a  ma- 
jority in  the  Congress. 

One  of  the  secrets  of  the  prosperity  of  Argentina, 
as  of  Brazil,  in  :ecent  years  has  been  its  abstention 
from  warlike  ventures  beyond  its  borders  and  its 
endeavor  to  adjust  boundary  conflicts  by  arbitra- 
tion.   Even  when  its  attitude  toward  its  huge 


THE  EEPUBUCS  OP  SOUTH  AMERICA  173 
neighbor  had  become  embittered  in  consequence  of 
a  boundary  decision  rendered  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  in  1895,  it  abated  none  of  its 
enthusiasm  for  the  principle  <rf  a  peaceful  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes.  Four  years  later, 
in  a  treaty  with  Uruguay,  the  so-called  "Aigen- 
tine  Formula "  appeared.  To  quote  its  language: 
"The  contracting  parties  agree  to  submit  to  ar- 
bitration all  questions  of  any  nature  which  may 
arise  between  them,  provided  they  do  not  affect 
provisions  of  the  constitution  of  either  state,  and 
cannot  be  adjusted  by  direct  negotiation."  This 
Formula  was  soon  put  to  the  test  in  a  serious 
dispute  with  Chile. 

In  the  Treaty  of  1881,  in  partitioning  Patagoma, 
the  crest  of  the  Andes  had  been  assumed  to  be  the 
true  continental  watershed  between  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Pacific  and  henoe  was  made  the  boundary 
line  between  Argentina  and  Chile.  The  entire 
Atlantic  coast  was  to  belong  to  Argentina,  the 
Pacific  coast  to  Chile;  the  island  of  Tierra  del 
Fuego  was  to  be  divided  between  them.  At  the 
same  time  the  Strait  of  Magellan  was  declared  a 
neutral  waterway,  open  to  the  ships  of  all  nations. 
Ere  long,  however,  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
crest  of  the  Andes  did  not  actually  coincide  with 


IT 


r 


It 


176  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  continental  divide.  Thereupon  Argentina  in< 
sisted  that  the  boundary  line  should  be  made  to 
run  along  the  crest,  while  Chile  demanded  that  it 
be  traced  along  the  watershed.  Since  the  moun- 
tainous area  concerned  was  of  little  value,  the 
question  at  bottom  was  simply  one  of  power  and 
prestige  between  rival  states. 

As  the  dispute  waxed  warmer,  a  noisy  press  and 
populace  clamored  for  war.  The  Governments  of 
the  two  nations  spent  large  sums  in  increasing 
their  armaments;  and  Argentina,  in  imitation  of  its 
western  neighbor,  made  military  service  compul- 
sory. But,  as  the  conviction  gradually  spread  that 
a  struggle  would  leave  the  victor  as  prostrate  as  the 
vanquished,  wiser  counsels  prevailed.  In  1899,  ac- 
cordingly, the  matter  was  referred  to  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  for  decision.  Though  the  award 
was  a  compromise,  Chile  was  the  actual  gainer 
in  territory. 

By  their  treaties  of  1902  both  republics  declared 
their  intention  to  uphold  the  principle  of  arbitra- 
tion and  to  refrain  from  interfering  in  each  ether's 
affairs  along  their  respective  coasts.  They  also 
agreed  upon  a  limitation  of  armaments — the  sole 
example  on  record  of  a  realization  of  the  purpose  of 
the  First  Hague  Conference.    To  commemorate 


THE  REPDBUCS  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA  177 
still  further  their  'ntcmational  accord,  in  1904  they 
erected  on  the  summit  of  the  Uspallata  Paw,  over 
which  San  Martin  had  crossed  with  his  army  t .  lib- 
eration in  1817,  a  bronze  statue  of  Christ  Ihe  Re- 
deemer. There,  amid  the  snow-cappei  peaks  of 
the  giant  Andes,  one  may  read  inscribed  upon  the 
pedestal:  "Sooner  shall  these  mountains  crumble 
to  dust  than  Argentines  and  Chileans  break  the 
peace  which  at  the  feet  of  Christ  the  Redeemer 
they  have  sworn  to  maintain!"  Nor  has  the  peace 
been  broken. 

Though  hostilities  with  Argentina  had  thus  been 
averted,  Chile  had  experienced  within  its  own  fron- 
tiers the  most  serious  revolution  it  had  known  in 
sixty  years.  The  struggle  was  not  one  of  partisan 
chieftains  or  political  groups  but  a  genuine  contest 
to  determine  which  of  two  theories  of  government 
should  prevail  —  the  presidential  or  the  parlia- 
mentary, a  presidential  autocracy  with  the  spread 
of  real  democracy  or  a  congressional  oligarchy 
based  on  the  existing  order.  The  sincerity  and 
public  spirit  of  both  contestants  helped  to  lend 
dignity  to  the  conflict. 

Jos6  Manuel  Balmaceda,  a  man  of  marked  abil- 
ity, who  became  President  in  1886,  had  devoted 
much  of  his  political  life  to  urging  an  enlargement 


If' 


\ 


178  THE  HIStANIC  NATIONS 

of  theexecutive  power,  a  greater  freedom  to  munic- 
ipalities in  the  management  of  thtlr  local  affairs, 
and  a  broadening  of  the  suffrage.  He  had  even  ad- 
vocated a  separation  of  Church  and  State.  Most 
of  these  proposals  so  conservative  a  land  as  Chile 
was  not  prepared  to  accept.  Though  civil  marriage 
was  authorized  and  ecclesiastical  influence  was 
lessened  in  other  respects,  the  Church  stood  firm. 
During  his  administration  Balmaceda  introduce^ 
many  reforms,  both  material  and  educational. 
He  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  construction  of 
public  works,  enhancied  the  national  credit  by  a 
favorable  conversion  of  the  pub'ic  d.bt,  fostered 
immigration,  and  devoted  especial  attention  to 
the  establishment  of  secondary  schools. 

Excellent  as  the  administration  of  Balmaceda 
had  been  in  other  respects,  he  nevertheless  failed  to 
combine  the  liberal  factions  into  a  party  willing  to 
support  the  plans  of  reform  which  he  had  steadily 
favored.  The  parliamentary  system  made  Cabi- 
nets altogether  unstable,  as  political  groups  in  the 
lower  house  of  the  Congress  alternately  cohered 
and  fell  apart.  This  defect,  Balmaceda  thought, 
should  be  corrected  by  making  the  members  of  his 
official  family  independent  of  the  legislative  branch. 
The  Council  of  State,  a  somewhat  anomalous  body 


THE  REPUBUCS  OP  SOUTH  ABIERICA    IW 
placed  between  the  President  and  Cabinet  on  the 
one  side  and  the  Congress  on  the  other,  was  an 
additional  obstruction  to  a  smooth-running  admin- 
istration.   For  it  he  would  substitute  a  tribunal 
charged  with  the  duty  of  resolvmg  conflicU  be- 
tween the  two  chief  branches  of  government.  Bal- 
maceda  believed,  also,  that  greater  liberty  should 
be  given  to  the  press  and  that  existing  taxes  should 
be  altered  as  rarely  as  possible.    On  its  side,  the 
Congress  felt  that  the  President  was  tiying  to 
establish  a  dictatorship  and  to  replace  the  unit- 
ary system  by  a  federal  union,  the  probable  weak- 
ness of  which  would  enable  him  to  retain  his  power 
more  securely. 

Toward  the  close  of  his  term  in  January,  1891, 
when  theLiberals  declined  to  support  his  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  Balmaceda,  furious  at  the  op- 
position  which  he  had  encountered,  took  matters 
into  his  owu  hands.  Since  the  Congress  refused  to 
pass  the  appropriation  bills,  he  declared  that  body 
dissolved  and  proceeded  to  levy  the  taxes  by  decree. 
To  this  arbitrary  and  altogether  unconstitutional 
performance  the  Congress  retorted  by  declaring  the 
President  deposed.  Civil  war  broke  out  forthwith, 
and  a  strange  spectacle  presented  itself.  The  two 
chief  cities,  Santiago  and  Valparaiso,  and  most  of 


'i- 


180  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

the  anny  backed  Balmaceds,  whereu  the  countiy 
district*,  especially  in  the  north,  and  practically  all 
the  navy  upheld  the  Congress. 

These  were,  indeed,  dark  days  for  ChOe.  During 
astniggle  of  about  eight  months  the  nation  suffered 
more  than  it  had  done  in  years  of  warfare  with  Peru 
and  Bolivia.  Though  the  bulk  of  the  army  stood 
by  Balmaceda,  the  Congress  was  able  to  raise  and 
organize  a  much  stronger  fighting  force  under  a 
Prussian  drillmaater.  The  tide  of  battle  turned; 
Santiago  and  Valparaiso  capitulated ;  and  the  presi- 
dential cause  was  lost.  Balmaceda,  who  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  Argentina  legation,  committed  suicide. 
But  the  Balmacedists,  who  were  included  in  a  gen- 
eral amnesty,  still  maintained  themselves  as  a 
party  to  advocate  in  a  peaceful  fashion  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  fallen  leader. 

Chile  had  its  reputation  for  stability  well  tested 
in  1010  when  the  executive  changed  four  times 
without  the  slightest  political  disturbance.  Ac- 
cording to  the  constitution,  the  oflicer  who  takes 
the  place  of  the  President  in  case  of  the  latter's 
death  or  disability,  though  vested  with  full  author- 
ity, has  the  title  of  Vice  President  only.  It  so  hap- 
pened that  after  the  death  of  the  President  two 
members  of  the  Cabinet  in  succession  held  the 


THE  EEPUBUC8  OP  SOUTH  AMERICA    181 
vice  prwidency.  and  they  were  foUowed  by  the 

chief  m.gutr8te,whowa.duly  elected  and  in.tdled 
at  theclMeof  the  year.    In  1915.  for  the  first  time 

«nc.  .irleaderhadconnnitted.uicide.oneofthe 
follower,  of  Balmaceda  was  cho.en  Prerident- 
by  a  .trange  coaliUon  of  Liberal-DemocraU.  or 

Balmacedut.,CoMerv8Uve..andNatioiiaJi8t^over 
the  candidate  of  the  Radicals.  Liberab.  and  Demo- 
crat*. The  maintenance  of  the  parliamentaiy 
system,  however,  continued  to  produce  frequent 
alterations  in  the  personnel  of  the  Cabinet. 

In  iU  foreign  relations,  apart  from  the  adjust- 
ment reached  with  Argentina.  Chile  managed  to 
settle  the  difficuldes  with  Bolivia  arising  out  of 
the  War  of  the  Pacific.    By  the  terms  of  treaties 
concluded  in  1895  and  19W.  the  region  tentatively 
transferred  by  the  armistice  of  1884  was  ceded  out- 
nght  to  Chile  in  return  for  a  seaport  and  a  narrow 
nght  of  way  to  it  through  the  former  Peruvian 
provmce  of  TarapacA.    With  Peru.  Chile  was  not 
sofortunate.  Though  the  tension  over  the  ulUmate 
disposal  of  the  Tacna  and  Arica  question  was  some- 
what reduced,  it  was  far  from  being  removed.  Chile 
absolutely  refused  to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitra- 
tion, on  theground  that  such  a  procedure  could  not 
properly  be  applied  to  a  quesUon  arising  out  of 


in 


I' 


kI 


182  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

a  war  that  had  taken  place  so  many  years  before. 
Chile  did  not  wish  to  give  the  region  up,  lest  by  so 
doing  it  might  expose  Tarapac&  to  a  possible  attack 
from  Peru.  The  investment  of  large  amoimts  of 
foreign  capital  in  the  exploitation  of  the  deposits 
of  nitrate  of  soda  had  made  that  province  economi- 
cally very  valuable,  and  the  export  tax  levied  on 
the  product  was  the  chief  source  of  the  national 
revenue.  These  were  all  potent  reasons  why  Chile 
wanted  to  keep  its  hold  on  Tacna  and  Arica.  Be- 
sides, possession  was  nine  points  in  the  law! 

On  the  other  hand,  the  original  plan  of  having 
the  question  decided  by  a  vote  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  provinces  concerned  was  not  carried  into  effect, 
partly  because  both  claimants  cherished  a  convic- 
tion that  whichever  lost  the  election  would  deny 
its  validity,  and  partly  because  they  could  not  agree 
upon  the  precise  method  of  holding  it.  Chile  sug- 
gested that  the  international  commission  which  was 
selected  to  take  charge  of  the  plebiscite,  and  which 
was  composed  of  a  Chilean,  a  Peruvian,  and  a  neu- 
tral, should  be  presided  over  by  the  Chilean  member 
as  representative  of  the  country  actually  in  posses- 
sion, whereas  Peru  insisted  that  the  neutral  should 
act  as  chairman.  Chile  proposed  also  that  Chile- 
ans, Peruvians,  and  foreigners  resident  in  the  area 


Hi 


THE  REPUBLICS  OP  SOUTH  AMERICA  18S 
six  months  before  the  date  of  the  elections  should 
vote,  provided  that  they  had  the  right  to  do  so  un- 
der the  terms  of  the  constitutions  of  both  states 

Peru,  onits  part,  objected  to  thelength  of  residence, 
and  wished  to  limit  carefully  the  number  of  Chilean 
voters,  to  ojEclude  foreigners  altogether  from  the 
election,  and  to  disregard  qualifications  for  the  suf- 
frage which  required  an  ability  to  read  and  write 
Both  countries,  moreover,  appeared  to  have  a  lurk- 
ing suspicion  that  in  any  event  the  other  would  tiy 
to  secure  a  majority  at  the  polls  by  supplying  a  req- 
msitenumber  of  voters  drawn  from  their  respective 
citizemy  who  were  not  ordinarily  resident  in  Tacna 
and  Arica!    Unable  to  overcome  the  deadlock. 

ChileandPeru  agreed  inl91S  to  postpone  thesetUe- 
ment  for  twenty  years  longer.  At  the  expiration 
of  this  period,  when  Chil.-  would  have  held  thepro- 
vmces  for  half  a  centuiy.  the  question  should  be 
finally  adjusted  on  bases  mutually  satisfactoty. 
OfliciaUy  amicable  relations  were  then  restored. 

While  the  political  situaUon  in  Bolivia  remained 
stable,  so  much  could  not  be  said  of  that  in  Peru 
and  Ecuador.  If  the  troubles  in  the  former  were 
more  or  less  military,  a  persistence  of  th-^  conflict 
between  clericals  and  radicals  characterized  the 
commotions  in  the  latter,  because  of  certain  liberal 


k 


184  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

provisions  in  the  Constitution  of  1907.  Peru,  on 
the  other  hand,  in  1915  guaranteed  its  people  the 
enjoyment  of  religious  liberty. 

Next  to  the  Tacna  and  Arica  question,  the  du- 
bious boundaries  of  Ecuador  constituted  the  most 
serious  international  problem  in  South  America. 
The  so-called  Oriente  region,  lying  east  of  the  An- 
des and  claimed  by  Peru,  Brazil,  and  Colombia,  ap- 
peared differently  on  different  maps,  according  as 
one  claimant  nation  or  another  set  forth  its  own 
case.  Had  all  three  been  satisfied,  nothing  would 
have  been  left  of  Ecuador  but  the  strip  between  the 
Andes  and  the  Pacific  coast,  including  the  cities  of 
Quito  and  Guayaquil.  The  Ecuadorians,  therefore, 
were  bitterly  sensitive  on  the  subject. 

Protracted  negotiations  over  the  boimdaries  be- 
came alike  tedious  and  listless.  But  the  moment 
that  the  respective  diplomats  had  agreed  upon 
some  knotty  point,  the  Congress  of  one  litigant  or 
another  was  almost  sure  to  reject  the  decision  and 
start  the  controversy  all  over  again.  Even  refer- 
ence of  the  matter  to  the  arbitral  judgment  of 
European  monarchs  produced,  so  far  as  Ecuador 
and  Peru  were  concerned,  riotous  attacks  upon 
the  Peruvian  legation  and  consulates,  charges 
and  counterchtuges  of  invasion  of  each  other's 


THE  REPUBUCS  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA    185 

Though  the  United  States.  Argentina,  and  Brazil 
had  mterposed  to  waH  off  an  armed  conflict  be- 
tween the  two  republics  and.  in  191 1.  had  urged  that 
the  dispute  be  submitted  to  the  Hague  Tribunal. 

nothmg  would  induce  Ecuador  to  comply 

Colombia  was  even  more  unfortunate  than  its 
southern  neighbor,  for  in  addition  to  political  con- 
vulsions It  suffered  financial  disaster  and  an  actual 
depnvationofterritoiy.  Struggles  among  factions, 
official  ,nfluenceattheelections.dictaton.hips.  and 
fightmg  between  the  departments  and  the  national 

Govemmentplungedthecount,y.iul89P  into  the 
worst  civil  war  it  had  known  for  many  a  day. 
Paper  money,  issued  in  mJimited  amomits  and 
given  a  forced  circulation,  made  the  distress  still 
more  acute^   Then  came  the  hardest  blow  of  a'L 
Smce  1830  PanamA.  as  province  or  state,  had  tried 
many  tmies  to  secedefrom  Colombia.    In  1903  the 
^portunity  it  sought  became  altogether  favorable. 
ITie  parent  nation,  just  beginning  to  recover  from 
the  disasters  of  civil  strife,  would  probably  be 
"Bable  to  prevent  a  new  attempt  at  withdrawal. 
The  people  of  Panamd.  of  course,  knew  how  eager 
the  United  States  was  to  acquire  the  i^on  of  tiie 
proposed  Canal  Zone,  since  it  had  failed  to  win  it 


1 
I 


186  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

by  negotiation  with  Colombia.  Accordingly,  if  they 
were  to  start  a  "revolution,"  they  had  reason  to 
believe  that  it  would  not  lack  support  —  or  at  least, 
connivance  —  from  that  quarter. 

On  the  3d  of  November  the  projected  "revolu- 
tion" occurred,  on  schedule  time,  and  the  United 
States  recognized  the  independence  of  the  "  Repub- 
lic of  Panama  "  three  days  later!    In  return  for  a 
guarantee  of  independence,  however,  the  United 
SUtes  stipulated,  in  the  convention  concluded  on 
the  18th  of  >Tovember,  that,  besides  authority  to 
enforce  sanitary  regulations  in  the  Canal  Zone,  it 
should  also  have  the  right  of  intervention  to  main- 
tain order  in  the  republic  itself.  More  than  once, 
indeed,  after  PanamA  adopted  its  constitution  in 
1904,  elections  threatened  to  become  tumultuous; 
whereupon  the  United  States  saw  to  it  that  they 
passed  off  quietly. 

Having  no  wish  to  flout  their  huge  neighbor  to 
the  northward,  the  Hispanic  nations  at  large  has- 
tened to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  new 
republic,  despite  the  indignation  that  prevailed  in 
press  and  public  over  what  was  regarded  as  an  act 
of  despoilment.  In  view  of  the  resentful  attitude 
of  Colombia  and  mindful  also  of  the  opinion  of 
many  Americans  that  a  gross  injustice  had  been 


THE  REPUBUCS  OP  /^UTH  AMERICA    187 
committed,  the  United  States  eventuaUy  offered 
terms  of  settlement.    It  agreed  to  express  regret 
for  the  111  feeling  between  the  two  countries  wUch 
had  arisen  out  of  the  PanamA  incident,  provided 
that  such  expression  were  made  mutual;  and.  as  a 
species  of  indemnity,  it  agreed  to  pay  for  canal 
nghts  to  be  acquired  in  Colombian  territory  and 
for  the  lease  of  certain  islands  as  naval  stations 
But  neither  the  terms  nor  the  amomit  of  the  com- 
pensation proved  acceptable.    Instead.  Colombia 
urged  that  the  whole  matter  be  referred  to  the 
judgment  of  the  tribunal  at  The  Hague. 

Alluding  to  theusemadeof  the  liberties  wonin  the 
strugglefor  emancipation  from  Spain  by  thenative 
land  of  Miranda.  Bolivar,  and  Sucre,  on  the  part  of 
the  country  which  had  been  in  the  vanguard  of  the 
hght  for  freedom  from  a  f oreir .  yoke,  a  writer  of 
Venezuela  once  declared  that  it  had  not  elected  le- 
gally a  single  President;  had  not  put  democratic 
ideas  cr  mstitutions  into  practice;  had  lived  wholly 
under  dictatorships;  had  neglected  public  instruc- 
tion; and  had  set  up  a  large  number  of  oppressive 
commercial  monopolies,  including-  the  navigation  of 
nvers,  the  coastwise  trade,  the  peari  fisheries,  and 
the  sale  of  tobacco,  salt,  sugar,  liquor,  matches,  ex- 
plosives, butter,  grease,  cement,  shoes,  meat,  and 


K.  I 


188  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

flour.  Exaggerated  as  the  indictment  u  and  ap- 
plicable also,  though  in  less  degree,  to  some  of  the 
other  backward  countries  of  Hispanic  America,  it 
contains  unfortunately  a  large  measure  of  truth. 
Indeed,  so  far  as  Venezuela  itself  is  concerned,  this 
critic  might  have  added  that  every  time  a  "re- 
storer," "regenerator, "or  "liberator"  succumbed 
there,  the  old  craze  for  federalism  again  broke  out 
and  menaced  the  nation  with  piecemeal  destruc- 
tion. Obedient,  furthermore,  to  the  whiuis  of  a 
presidential  despot,  Venezuela  perpetrated  more 
outrages  on  foreigners  and  created  more  interna- 
tional friction  after  1899  than  any  other  land  in 
Spanish  America  had  ever  done. 

While  the  formidable  Guzm&n  Blanco  was  still 
alive,  the  various  Presidents  acted  cautiously.  No 
sooner  had  he  passed  away  than  disorder  broke  out 
afresh.  Since  a  new  dictator  thought  he  needed 
a  longer  term  of  office  and  divers  other  admini- 
strative advantages,  a  constitution  incorporating 
them  was  framed  and  published  in  the  due  and  cus- 
tomary manner.  This  had  hardly  gone  into  opera- 
tion when,  in  1895,  a  contest  arose  with  Great 
Britain  about  the  boundaries  between  Venezuela 
and  British  Guiana.  Under  pressure  from  the 
United  States,  however,  the  matter  was  referred 


...it 


THE  REPUBUCS  OP  SOUTH  AMERICA    18B 

In  1889  there  appeared  on  the  scene  a  pewonage 
«.mpa,ed  with  whomZelaya  was  themerestno^ 
to  the  art  of  making  trouble.    This  was  Cipriano 
Castro,  the  greatest  international  nuisance  of  the 
early  twentieth  century.    A  rude,  arrogant,  fear- 
less.  «aerget,c.  capricious  mountaineer  and  cattle- 
man he  regarded  foreigners  no  less  than  his  own 
countryfolk,  .t  would  seem,  as  objects  for  his  par- 
t.cul«r  scorn,  displeasure,  exploitation,  or  amuse- 
ment a,  the  case  might  be.  Hewas  greatly  angered 
by  tte  way  m  which  foreigners  in  dispute  with 
local  offiaalsavoidedaresort  to  Venezuelan  courts 
and-stdl  worse-rejected  their  decisionsandap- 
pealed  instead  to  their  diplomatic  representativ^ 
forprotecbon     He  declaml  such  a  procedure  to  be 
an  affront  o  the  national  dignity.    Yet  foreigner, 
were  usually  correct  in  affinning  that  judges  ap- 
pomted  by  an  arbitrary  President  were  little  more 
than  figureheads,  incapable  of  dispensing  jusUce 
even  were  they  so  inclined. 

J«iIous  not  only  of  his  personal  prestige  but  of 
what  he  nnagmed.  or  pretended  to  imagine,  were 
the  nghts  of  a  small  nation,  Castro  tried  through- 
out to  portray  the  situation  in  such  a  light  as  to 


100  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

induce  the  other  Hispanic  republic*  also  to  view 
foreign  interference  as  a  dire  peril  to  then-  own 
independence  and  sovereignty;  and  he  further  en- 
deavored to  involve  the  United  States  in  a  strug' 
gle  with  European  powers  as  a  means  possibly 
of  testing  the  efficacy  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  or 
of  kying  bare  before  the  world  the  evil  nature  of 
American  imperialistic  designs. 

By  the  year  1901,  in  which  Venezuela  adopted 
another  constitution,  the  revolutionary  disturb- 
ances had  materially  diminished  the  revenues  from 
the  customs.  Furthermore  Castro's  regulations  ex- 
acting military  service  of  aU  males  between  four- 
teen and  sixty  years  of  age  had  filled  the  prisons  to 
overflowmg.  Many  foreigners  who  had  suffered 
in  consequence  resorted  to  measures  of  seH-defense 
-among  them  representatives  of  certain  American 

and  British  asphalt  compaaies  which  were  work- 
ing concessions  granted  by  Castro's  predecessors. 
Though  f  amUiar  with  what  coir-monly  happens  to 
those  who  handle  piteh.  they  had  not  scrupled  to 
aid  some  of  Castro's  enemies.  Castro  forthwith 
imposed  on  them  enormous  fines  which  amounted 
practicaUy  to  a  confiscation  of  their  rights. 

While  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were 
expostulating  over  this  behavior  of  the  despot. 


THE  REPUBLICS  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA  m 
France  broke  ofif  diplomatic  relations  with  Vene- 
niela  because  of  Castro's  refusal  either  to  pay  or  to 
submit  to  arbitration  certain  claims  which  had 
originated  in  previous  revolutions.  Germany,  ag- 
grieved in  similar  fasUon,  contemplated  a  seizuiv 
of  tile  customs  until  its  demands  for  redress  were 
satisfied.  And  tiien  came  Italy  witii  like  causes  of 
complaint.  As  if  these  complications  were  not  suffi- 
cient, Venezuela  came  to  blows  witii  Colombia. 

As  the  foreign  pressure  on  Castro  steadily  in- 
creased, Luis  Maria  Drago.  tiie  Argentine  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  formulated  in  1902  the  doctrine 
with  which  his  name  has  been  associated.  It  stated 
in  substance  that  force  should  never  be  employed 
between  nations  for  the  collection  of  contractual 
debts.  Encouraged  by  tiiis  apparent  token  of  sup- 
port  from  a  sister  republic.  Castro  defied  his  array 
of  foreign  adversaries  more  vigorously  tiian  ever, 
declaring  tiiat  he  might  find  it  needful  to  invade 
tile  United  Stetes,  by  way  of  New  Orleans,  to  teach 
it  tile  lesson  it  deserved !    But  when  he  attempted, 
m  tiie  foUowing  year,  to  close  tiie  ports  of  Vene- 
zuela as  a  means  of  bringing  his  native  antago- 
nists to  terms.  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  Italy 
seized  his  warships,  blockaded  the  coast,  and  bom- 
barded some  of  his  forts.    Thereupon  tiie  United 


t4 


9V 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

States  inteipoMd  with  a  suggestion  that  the  dis- 
pute be  laid  before  the  Hague  Tribunal.  Although 
Castro  yielded,  he  did  not  fail  to  have  a  clause  in- 
serted in  a  new  "constitution  "  requiring  foreigners 
who  might  wish  to  enter  the  republic  to  show  cer- 
tificates of  good  character  from  the  Governments 
of  their  respective  countries. 

These  incidents  gave  much  food  for  thought  to 
Castro  as  well  as  to  his  soberer  compatriots.  The 
European  powers  had  displayed  an  apparent  will- 
ingness to  have  the  United  States,  if  it  chose  to 
do  so,  assume  the  rAle  of  a  New  World  policeman 
and  financial  guarantor.  Were  it  to  assume  these 
duties,  backward  republics  in  the  Caribbean  and  its 
vicinity  were  likely  to  have  their  affairs,  internal  as 
well  as  external,  supervised  by  the  big  nation  in  or- 
der to  ward  off  European  intervention.  At  this  mo- 
ment, indeed,  the  United  States  was  intervening  in 
Panami.  The  prospect  aroused  in  many  Hispanic 
countries  the  fear  of  a  "Yankee  peril"  greater 
even  than  that  emanating  from  Europe.  Instead 
of  being  a  kindly  and  disinterested  protector  of 
small  neighbors,  the  "Colossus  of  the  North"  ap- 
peared rather  to  resemble  a  polil '  al  and  commer- 
cial ogre  bent  upon  swallowing  them  to  satisfy 
"  manifest  destiny." 


H 


THE  BEPUBUCS  OP  SOUTH  AMEEICA    iss 
Having  .ucceeded  in  putting  around  hia  head  an 
auwole  of  local  popularity.  Caitro  in  1805  picked 
anewaetof  partially  jurtified  quarrel,  with  the 
United  Statei,  Great  Britain.  Prance.  Italy,  Co- 
l«nb.a  and  even  with  the  Netherlands,  arising  out 
of  the  depredations  of  revo?-    onists;  but  an  armed 
menace  from  the  Unite     states  induced  him  to 
iemt  from  his  plans.    He  contented  himself  ac- 
cordingly with  issuing  a  decree  of  amnesty  for  aU 
political  offenders  except  the  leaders.    When"r«. 
elected. "  he  carried  hie  magnanimity  so  far  as  to 
resign  awhile  in  favor  of  the  Vice  President,  stat- 
ing that.  If  his  retirement  were  to  bring  peace  and 
concord,  he  would  make  it  pennanent.    But  as  he 
saw  to  It  that  his  temporary  withdrawal  should  not 
have  this  happy  result,  he  came  back  again  to  his 
former  position  a  few  months  later. 

Venting  his  wrath  upon  the  Netherlands  because 
Its  mmister  had  reported  to  his  Government  an  out- 
break of  cholera  at  La  Guaira,  the  chief  seaport  of 
Venezuela,  the  dictator  laid  an  embargo  on  Dutch 

commerce.8eizeditsships.anddenouncedtheDutch 
for  their  alleged  failure  to  check  filibustering  from 
theirislandsoffthecoast.  When  the  minister  pro- 
tested.Castroexpelledhim.  Thereupon theNether- 
landsmstituted  a  blockade  of  the  Venezuelan  ports 


I 


IM  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

What  mi^t  have  happened  if  Castro  had  n- 
mained  much  longer  in  charge,  may  be  gueued. 
Toward  the  cloie  of  1908,  however,  he  departed  for 
Europe  to  undergo  a  course  of  medical  treatment. 
Hardly  had  he  left  Venezuelan  shores  when  Juan 
Vicente  G6mes,  the  able,  astute,  and  vigorous  Vice 
President,  managed  to  secure  his  own  election  to 
the  presidency  and  an  immediate  recognition  from 
foreign  states.  Under  his  direction  all  of  the  inter- 
national tangles  of  Venezuela  were  straightened  out. 

In  1914  the  country  adopted  its  eleventh  consti- 
tution and  thereby  lengthened  the  presidential  term 
to  seven  years,  shortened  that  of  members  of  the 
lower  house  of  the  Congress  to  four,  determined 
definitely  the  number  of  States  in  the  union,  al- 
tered the  apportionment  of  their  congressional  rep- 
resentation, and  enlarged  the  powers  of  the  federal 
Government  —  or,  rather,  those  of  its  executive 
branch!  In  1914  G6mez  resigned  office  in  favor 
of  the  Vice  President,  and  secured  an  appointment 
instead  as  commander  in  chief  of  the  army.  This 
procedure  was  promptly  denounced  as  a  trick  to 
evade  the  constitutional  prohibition  of  two  con- 
secutive terms.  A  year  later  be  was  unanimously 
elected  President,  though  he  never  formally  took 
the  oath  of  office. 


IHE  BEPUBUCS  OP  SOUTH  AMiaiCA    IB5 
Whatever  „.y  be  thought  of  the  poliUal  w.y. 
«d  mean,  of  this  new  Guzmin  Blanco  to  maintdn 
Wm«If  lu  .  power  bdiind  or  on  the  preddenU.1 
throne.  GdmczgaveVene«ueU«nadniini.tr.Uon  of 
aK^veo^differentfromthatofh«in,mediatepnHl. 
eoewor.    He  suppressed  various  government  mo- 
nopohes.  removed  other  obstacle,  to  the  material 
«lvancement  of  the  countiy.  and  reduced  the  na- 
tionaldebt.  He  did  much  also  to  improve  the  sani. 
taryconditionsatUGuaira.andhepromotededu- 
cat.on.especially  the  teaching  offoreign  languages. 
(Wme«  nevertheless  had  to  keep  a  watchful  eye 
on  the  partisans  of  Castro,  who  broke  out  in  revolt 
whenever  they  had  an  opportunity.    The  Um'ted 
States.  Great  Britain.  France,  the  Netherlands. 
Denmark.  Cuba,  and  Colombia  eyed  the  move- 
menu  of  the  ex-dictator  nervously,  as  European 
powers  long  ago  were  wont  to  o.  ,«  the  case  of  a 

certam  Man  of  Destiny.and  barred  him  outof  both 
their  possessions  and  Venezuela  itself.  Interna 
tional  patience,  never  Job-like,  had  been  too  sorely 
vexed  to  permit  his  return.  Nevertheless,  after  the 
manner  of  the  ancient  persecutor  of  the  Biblical 
martyr  Castro  did  not  refrain  from  going  to  and 
from  the  earth.  In  fact  he  still  "  walketh  about" 
•eekmg  to  recover  his  hold  upon  Venezuela' 


CHAPTER  X 


MEXICO  IN  BEVOLUTION 


When,  in  1910,  like  several  of  its  sister  republics, 
Mexico  celebrated  the  centennial  anniversary  of 
its  independence,  the  era  of  peace  and  progress  in- 
augurated by  Porfirio  Diaz  seemed  likely  to  last 
indefinitely,  for  he  was  entering  upon  his  eighth 
term  as  President.  Brilliant  as  his  career  had  been, 
however,  and  greatly  as  Mesico  had  prospered 
under  his  rigid  rule,  a  sullen  discontent  had  been 
brewing.  The  country  that  had  had  but  one  con- 
tinuous President  in  twenty-six  years  was  destined 
to  have  some  fourteen  chief  magistrates  in  less  than 
a  quarter  of  that  time,  and  to  surpass  all  its  pre- 
vious records  for  rapidity  in  presidential  succes- 
sion, by  having  one  executive  who  is  said  to  have 
held  office  for  precisely  fifty-six  minutes! 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that  the  reason  for  the 
downfall  of  Diaz  and  the  lapse  of  Mexico  into  the 
unhappy  conditions  of  a  half  century  earlier  was 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLUTION  197 

thathe  had  grown  too  old  to  keepa&m  grip  on  the 
situation.    It  has  also  been  declared  that  his  in- 
sistence upon  reelection  and  upon  the  elevation  of 
h«  own  personal  candidate  to  the  vice  presidency, 
as  a  successor  in  case  of  his  retirement,  occasioned 
h«  overthrow.    The  truth  of  the  matter  is  that 
these  cm:umstances  were  only  incidental  to  his 
downfall;  the  real  causes  of  revolution  lay  deep- 
KK.ted  in  tlie  history  of  these  twenty-six  years. 
Ihe  most  significant  feature  of  the  revolt  was  its 
civihan  character.    A  widespread  puHic  opinion 
had  been  created;  a  naUonal  consciousness  had 
been  awakened  which  was  mtolerant  of  abuses  and 
detennmed  upon  their  removal  at  any  cost;  and 
this  public  opinion  and  national  consciousness  were 
products  of  general  education,  which  had  brought 
to  the  fore  a  number  of  mtelligent  men  eager  to 
participate  in  pubUc  affairs  and  yet  barred  out  be- 
cause  of  their  unwillingness  to  support  the  existing 
regime. 

Some  one  has  remarked,  and  rightly,  that  Dfa* 
in  his  zeal  for  the  material  advancement  of  Mexico 
mistook  the  tangible  wealth  of  the  country  for  ifci 
wehare.  Desirable  and  even  necessaiy  as  that  ma- 
terial progress  was.  it  produced  only  a  one-sided 
prosperity.    Diaz  was  singularly  deaf  to  the  just 


l  ■*! 


108  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

complaints  of  the  people  of  the  laboring  classes, 
who,  as  manufacturing  and  other  industrial  entei^ 
prises  developed,  were  resolved  to  better  their  con- 
ditions.   In  the  country  at  large  the  discontent 
was  still  stronger.    Throughout  many  of  the  rural 
districts  general  advancement  had  been  retarded 
because  of  the  holding  of  huge  areas  of  fertile  land 
by  a  comparatively  few  rich  families,  who  did  little 
to  improve  it  and  were  content  with  small  returns 
from  the  labor  of  throngs  of  unskiUed  native  cul- 
tivators.   Wretchedlypaid  and  housed,  and  toil- 
ing long  hours,  the  workers  lived  like  the  serfs  of 
medieval  days  or  as  their  own  ancestors  did  in 
colonial  times.    Ignorant,  poverty-stricken,  liable 
at  any  moment  to  be  dispossessed  of  the  tiny  patch 
of  ground  on  which  they  raised  a  few  hiUs  of  comor 
beans,  most  of  them  were  naturally  a  simple,  peace- 
ful folk  who,  in  spite  of  their  misfortunes,  might 
have  gone  on  indefinitely  with  their  drudgery  in  a 
hopeless  apathetic  fashion,  unless  their  latent  sav- 
age instincts  happened  to  be  aroused  by  drink  and 
the  prospect  of  plunder.    On  the  other  hand,  the 
intelligent  among  them,  knowing  that  in  some  of 
the  northern  States  of  the  republic  wages  were 
higher  and  treatment  fairer,  felt  a  sense  6f  wrong 
which,  like  that  of  the  laboring  class  in  the  towns. 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLUTION  199 

was  all  the  more  dangerous  because  it  was  not 
ailowed  to  find  expression. 

Dfaz  thought  that  what  Mexico  m,ui«d  above 
eveo^mg  else  was  the  development  of  industrial 

efficiency  andfinancialsti«ngth.assumlbyamain- 
tenance  of  absolute  order.    Though  disposed  to 
do  justice  in  individual  cases,  he  would  tolerate 
no  class  movements  of  any  kind.    Labor  unions, 
spikes,  and  other  efforts  at  lightening  the  burden 
of  the  workers  he  regarded  as  seditious  and  de- 
servmg  of  severe  pmiishment.     In  order  to  at- 
tract  capital  from  abroad  as  the  best  means  of 
exploitmg  the  vast  resources  of  the  com^Uy  he 
was  willing  to  go  to  any  length,  it  would  .^'  in 
guaranteeingprotection.    Small  wonder,  therefore, 
that  the  people  who  shared  in  none  of  the  immedi- 
ate advantages  from  that  souree  should  have  mut 
tered  that  Mexico  was  the  "mother  of  foreigners 
and  the  stepmother  of  Mexicans. "    And.  since  so 
much  of  the  capital  ca  ue  from  the  United  States 
the  antiforeign  sentiment  singled  Americans  out 
for  Its  particular  dislike. 
If  Dfaz  appeared  unable  to  appreciate  the  sig. 

nificance  of  the  educational  and  industrial  awaken 
mg.hewas  no  less  oblivious  of  thepoliticaloutcome 
He  knew,  of  course,  that  the  Mexican  constitution 


coo  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

made  impossible  demands  upon  the  political  ca- 
pacity  of  the  people.  He  was  himself  mainly  of 
Indian  blood  and  be  believed  that  he  understood 
the  temperament  and  limitations  of  most  Mexi- 
cans. Knowing  how  tenaciously  they  clung  to 
political  notions,  he  believed  that  it  was  safer  and 
wiser  to  forego,  at  least  for  a  time,  real  popular 
government  and  to  concentrate  power  in  the  hands 
of  a  strong  man  who  could  maintain  order. 

Accordingly,  backed  by  his  political  adherents, 
known  as  cientificot  (doctrinaires),  .lome  of  whom 
had  acquired  a  sinister  ascendancy  over  him,  and 
also  by  the  Church,  the  landed  proprietors,  and 
the  foreign  capitalists,  Dfaz  centered  the  entire  ad- 
ministration more  and  more  in  himself.  Elections 
became  Tnere  farces.  Not  only  the  federal  officials 
themselves  but  the  state  governors,  the  members 
of  the  state  legislatures,  and  all  others  in  authority 
during  the  later  years  of  his  rule  owed  their  selec- 
tion primarily  to  him  and  held  their  positions  only 
if  personally  loyal  to  him.  Confident  of  his  sup- 
port and  certain  that  protests  agiinst  misgov- 
emment  would  be  regarded  by  the  President  as 
seditious,  many  of  them  abused  their  power  at  will. 
Notable  among  them  were  the  local  officials,  called 
irfea  politico*,  whose  control  of  the  police  force 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLDTION  goi 

enabled  them  to  indulge  in  practices  of  intimi- 
dation and  ertorUon  which  ultimately  became 
unendurable. 

Though  symptoms  of  popular  wrath  against  the 
Wazrtgune. «' ^w^pcrfim  a.  the  Mexicans  termed 
It.  were  apparent  as  early  as  19O8.  it  was  not  until 
Janua^.  1911.  that  the  actual  evolution  came 
I  was  headed  by  Francisco  I.  Madcx,.  a  membe; 
of  a  wealthy  and  distinguished  family  of  landed 
proprietors  m  one  of  the  northern  States.    What 
the  revolutionists  demanded  in  substance  was  the 
^^.^ement  of  the  President.  Vice  P««ident,  and 
Cabmet;  a  return  to  the  principle  of  no  ^election 
to  the  chief  magistracy;  a  guarantee  of  fair  elec- 

faonsatalltimes:thechoiceofcapable.hone.t.and 
^partial  judg^.jefe,  polUia».  and  other  officials- 
and  m  particular,  a  series  of  agrarian  and  indus-' 
tnal  r^orms  wWch  would  br«ak  up  the  great 
States,  create  peasant  proprietorships,  and  better 
the  conditions  of  the  working  classes.    Disposed 

foif^^H  ?T*  f^,^"""-*^"-  '«htly.  Diaz  soon 
found  that  he  had  underestimated  its  strength. 
Grants  of  some  of  the  demands  and  promis J«f 
reform  were  met  with  a  dogged  insistence  upon 
hisownpesjgmition.  Then,  as  the  rebellion  spread 
to  the  southward,  the  masterful  old  man  n^ 


;^f 


1  \ 


;,l 


SOS  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

that  his  thirty-one  yean  of  rule  were  at  an  end. 
On  the  iSth  of  May,  therefore,  he  gave  up  his 
power  and  sailed  for  Europe. 

Madero  was  chosen  President  five  months  later, 
but  the  revolution  soon  passed  beyond  his  control. 
He  was  a  sincere  idealist,  if  not  something  of  a  vi- 
sionary, actuated  by  humane  and  kindly  sentiments, 
but  he  lacked  resoluteness  and  the  art  of  managing 
men.  He  was  too  prolific,  also,  of  promises  which 
hemusthave  known  he  could  not  keep.  Yielding 
to  family  influence,  he  let  his  followers  get  out  of 
hand.  Ambitious  chieftains  and  groups  of  Badicals 
blocked  and  thwarted  him  at  every  tiun.  When 
he  could  find  no  means  of  canning  out  his  program 
without  wholesale  confiscation  and  the  disruption 
of  business  interests,  he  was  accused  of  abandoning 
his  duty.  One  ofiScer  after  another  deserted  him 
and  turned  rebel.  Brigandage  and  insurrection 
swept  over  the  country  and  threatened  to  involve 
it  in  ugly  complications  with  the  United  States  and 
European  powers.  At  length,  in  February,  1913, 
came  the  blow  that  put  an  end  to  all  of  Madero's 
efforts  and  aspirations.  A  military  uprising  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  made  him  prisoner,  forced  him  to 
resign,  and  set  up  a  provisional  government  under 
the  dictatorship  of  Vlctoriano  Huerta,  one  of  his 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLUTION  jos 

«d  the  Vice  President  were  ««a«i„ated  while  on 
th^  way  supposedly  to  a  place  of  Mfety 
Hu«rta  w-   »  rough  soldier  of  Indian  origin,  pos- 

•«jedofunusualforceofcharacter  and  strength  of 
^.  njUJess.  cunning,  and  in  bearing  alternately 
d«n,fiedandvulgar.  A  cip««/J«,  fa  political  faith, 
he  was  disposed  to  restore  the  Diaz  regime,  so  'or 
M  an  application  of  shrewdness  and  force  could 
make, t  possible.  But  from  the  outset  he  found 
an  obstacle  confrontmg  him  that  he  could  not  sur- 
mount Though  acknowledged  by  European  coun- 
tnes  and  by  many  of  the  Hispanic  republics,  he 
could  not  wm  recognition  from  the  United  States. 

either  as  provisional  Presidentorasacandidate  for 
««ular  election  to  theoffice.  Whether  pereonally 
responsible  for  the  murder  of  Madero  or  not.  he 

was  not  regarded  by  the  American  Govermnent  as 
entitled  to  recognition,  on  the  ground  that  he  was 

notthechoiceoftheMexicanpeople.  Initsrefusal 
to  recognwe  an  administraUon  set  up  merely  by 
brute  force,  the  United  States  was  upheld  by  Ar- 
gentma.  Brazil,  Chile,  and  Cuba.  The  elimination 
of  Huerta  became  the  chief  feature  for  a  while  of 
Jts  Mexican  policy. 
Meanwhile  the  followers  of  Madero  and  the 


1 


«0«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

pronounced  Radksb  had  found  a  new  northern 
leader  in  the  penon  of  Venustiano  Camuua. 
They  caUed  themselves  Constitutionalists,  as  in- 
dicative of  their  purpose  to  reiistablish  the  con- 
stitution and  to  choose  a  successor  to  Madero  in  a 
constitutional  manner.  What  they  really  desired 
was  those  radical  change:!  along  social,  Industrial, 
and  political  lines,  which  Madero  had  championed 
in  theory.  They  sought  to  introduce  a  species  of 
socialistic  regime  that  would  provide  the  Mexicans 
with  an  opportunity  for  self-regeneration.  TVhile 
Diaz  had  believed  in  economic  progress  supported 
by  the  great  landed  proprietors,  the  moral  influence 
of  the  Church,  and  the  application  of  foreign  capi- 
tal, the  Constitutionalists,  personified  in  Carranza, 
were  convinced  that  these  agencies,  if  left  free  and 
imdisturbed  to  work  their  will,  would  ruin  Mexico. 
Though  not  exactly  antiforeign  in  their  attitude, 
they  wished  to  curb  the  power  of  the  foreigner; 
they  would  accept  his  aid  whenever  desirable  for 
the  economic  development  of  the  country,  but  they 
would  not  submit  to  his  virtual  control  of  public 
affairs.  In  any  case  they  would  tolo'ate  no  inter- 
ference by  the  United  States.  Compromise  with  the 
Huerta  r6gime,  therefore,  was  impossible.  Huerta, 
the  "strong  man  "  of  the  Diaz  type,  must  go.    On 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLUTION  goj 

thorough  ag«ein«mt  with  the  United  SUte« 

BotT'?-  **'  "**"«**«»'>•'  complications  en,ued. 
Ba^H«^U.«.dC.™„.i,t«pen.t«tedo«T 

S1  officially,  the  America.  GovemmentI 
«.rted  to  aU  kmd.  of  means  to  oust  the  dictator 

mumtions;  all  effort,  to  p™cu«.  financial  hdp 
f~m  abroad  were  balked.  The  power  of  Huerta' 
w«  w«mg  perceptibly  and  that  of  the  ConsUtt 
t^ts  was  mcreasing  when  a.  incident  that 
^^  "J  Apr,!,  1914.  at  Tampico  bought  mat- 

^ted  and  tenporanly  detained.  The  United 
Statesdemanded  that  the  American  flagbesaluS 
«  r^a^tion  for  the  insult.  Upon  thi  refl,^ 
Huert*  to  comply,  the  United  States  sent  a  navL 
expedition  to  occupy  Vera  Cru«  *^**''«^*' 

Both  Cammza  and  Huerta  regarded  this  move 
«equiv^«.ttoanactofwar.  A^ntina.  BrazJ 
and  Chde  then  offend  their  mediation.  But  the 
confe^nce  arraxufed  for  this  purpose  at  Niagarl 


SO0  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

FsHi.  Canada,  had  before  it  a  task  altogether  im- 
pouible  of  accompluhment.  Though  Carranza 
was  willmg  to  have  the  Conatitutionaluti  repre- 
sented, if  the  discussion  related  solely  to  the  im- 
mediate issue  between  the  United  States  and 
Huerta,  he  declined  to  extend  the  scope  of  the 
conference  so  as  to  admit  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico. 
The  conference  accomplished  nothing  so  far  as  the 
immediate  issue  was  concerned.  The  dictator  did 
not  make  reparation  for  the  "affronts  and  in- 
dignities" he  had  committed;  but  his  day  was 
over.  The  advance  of  the  Constitutionalists 
southward  compelled  him  in  July  to  abandon  the 
capital  and  leave  the  country.  Four  months  later 
the  American  forces  were  withdrawn  from  Vera 
Cruz.  The  "A  B  C"  Conference,  however  barren 
it  was  of  direct  results,  helped  to  allay  suspicions 
of  the  United  States  in  Hispanic  America  and 
brought  appreciably  nearer  a  "concert  of  the 
western  world." 

While  far  from  exercising  full  control  throughout 
Mexico,  the  "first  chief"  of  the  Constitutionalists 
was  easily  the  dominant  figure  in  the  situation. 
At  home  a  ranchman,  in  public  affairs  a  statesman 
of  considerable  ability,  knowing  how  to  insist  and 


'I    = 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLOTION  ,07 

.  "PPOwtwii  to  him  in  Mexico  it«.J/ 
how  menacmg  the  attitude  of  the  United  S W^' 

«»™ucn  as  the  convention  was 


I! 


i 


'.' 


•M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

dominated  by  Villa,  the  "flnt  chief"  deddad  to 
ignore  iti  dection  of  a  proviiioiial  Pnaidait. 

The  ftniggle  between  the  O»vcntionaliitf 
headed  by  Vilk  and  the  Conatitutionalitta  under 
Cairania  plunfed  Mexico  into  wone  diaeotd  and 
misery  than  ever.  Indeed  it  became  a  lort  of  thrae- 
cornered  contest.  The  third  party  was  Rwiiliano 
Zapata,  an  Indian  bandit,  nonunally  a  supporter 
of  VilU  but  actually  favorable  to  neither  of  the  ri- 
vals. Operating  near  the  capital,  he  plundend 
Conventionalists  and  Constitutionalists  with  equal 
impartiality,  and  as  a  diversion  occasionally  oc- 
cupied the  city  itself.  These  circumstances  gave 
force  to  the  saying  that  Mexico  was  a  "land  where 
peace  breaks  out  once  in  a  while!" 

Early  in  1915  Carranza  proceeded  to  issue  a 
number  of  radical  decrees  that  exasperated  for- 
eigners ahnost  beyond  endurance.  Rather  than 
resort  to  extreme  measures  again,  however,  the 
United  States  invoked  the  cooperation  of  the  His- 
panic republics  and  proposed  a  conference  to  de- 
vise some  solution  of  the  Mexican  problem.  To 
give  the  pn>posed  conference  a  wider  representa- 
tion, it  invited  not  only  the  "A  B  C"  powers,  but 
Bolivia,  Uruguay,  and  Guatemala  to  participate. 
Meeting  at  Washington  in  August,  the  mediators 


:;1 


MKICO  IN  BBVOLOTION  mb 

^countered  the  mum  difficulty  which  h»d  c«,- 
nwted   their  predeceMon  at   Niagin  Falli 
TI««Wfl«  the  other  chieftein.  rented.  Cunun, 
now  certab  of  .uoceM.  declined  to  heed  any  pro- 
POMlol  conciliation.  Char«:teriiing  rfort.  of  the 
tod  aaaa  umrairaated  hiterfe«mcein  the  internal 
■ff««  of  a  lirter  nation,  he  waned  the  Hi«p«,ic 
wpublict  againat  aetting  up  m  dangerou.  a  preoe- 
dent.    In  reply  Argentina  rtated  that  the  confer- 
ence oboyed  a  "lofty  inspiration  of  Pan-American 
■ohdanty.  and.  inrtead  of  finding  any  cau«  for 
•imn.  the  Mexican  people  should  see  in  it  a  proof 
of  their  friendly  consideration  that  her  fate  evokes 
m  us.  and  calls  forth  our  good  wishes  for  her  paci- 
fication and  development. "  However,  as  the  only 
apparent  escape  from  more  watchful  waiting  or 
from  armed  mtervention  on  the  part  of  the  United 
SUtos.  m  October  the  «.ven  Governments  decided 
to  accept  the  facts  as  they  stood,  and  accordingly 
wrognaed  Carranzaasthe  <fo/acto  ruler  of  Mexico 
Enraged  at  this  favor  shown  to  his  rival.  Villa 
determined  deliberately  to  p«voke  American  in- 
tervention by  a  murderous  raid  on  a  town  in 
NewMexwoinManA.  1916.    When  the  United 
State.  dMpatched  an  expedition  to  avenge  the  out- 
rage. Carranza  protested  energetically  against  its 


■    1 


y 


210  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

violation  of  Mexican  temtoiy  and  demanded  ita 
withdrawal.  Several  clashes,  in  fact,  occurred  be- 
tween American  soldiers  and  Carranzistas.  Neither 
theezpedition  itseU,however,  nor  diplomatic  efforts 
to  find  some  method  of  cooperation  which  would 
prevent  constant  trouble  along  the  frontier  served 
any  useful  purpose,  since  Villa  apparently  could 
not  be  captured  and  Carranza  refused  to  yield  to 
diplomatic  persuasion.  Carranza  then  proposed 
that  a  joint  commission  be  appointed  to  settle 
these  vexed  questions.  Even  this  device  proved 
wholly  unsatisfactory.  The  Mexicans  would  not 
concede  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  send  an 
armed  expedition  into  their  country  at  any  time, 
and  the  Americans  refused  to  accept  limitations 
on  the  kind  of  troops  that  they  might  employ  or 
on  the  zone  of  their  operations.  In  January,  1917, 
the  joint  commission  was  dissolved  and  the  Ameri- 
can soldiers  were  withdrawn.  Again  the  "first 
chief"  had  won! 

On  the  5th  of  February  a  convention  assembled 
at  Quer6taro  promulgated  a  constitution  embody- 
ing substantially  all  of  the  radical  program  that 
Carranza  had  anticipated  in  his  decrees.  Besides 
providing  for  an  elaborate  improvement  in  the  con- 
dition of  the  laboring  classes  and  for  such  a  division 


MEXICO  IN  REVOLUTION  211 

ofreat  estates  as  might  satisfy  their  particular 
needs,  the  new  constitution  imposed  drastic  re- 
•tnctions  upon  foreigners  and  religious  bodies. 
Lnder  ,ts  terms,  foreigners  could  not  acquire  in- 
dustnalconcessions  unless  they  waived  their  treaty 
nghts  and  cor^ted  to  regard  themselves  for  the 
puipose  as  Mexican  citizens.     In  all  such  cases 
preference  was  to  be  shown  Mexicans  over  foreign- 
ers. Ecclesiastical  corporations  were  forbidden  to 
own  real  property.    No  primary  school  and  no 
charitable  msUtution  could  be  conducted  by  any 
religious  mission  or  denominaUon.  and  religious 
pubhcatons  must  refrain  from  commenting  on 
pubhcaflfau^.    Thepresidentialtermwasmluced 
from  Six  y«^  to  four;  reelection  was  prohibited; 
and  the  office  of  Vice  President  was  abolished. 

When,  on  the  1st  of  May.  Venustiano  Carranza 
WM  chosen  President.  Mexico  had  its  first  con- 
stitutional executive  in  four  years.  After  a  cruel 
and  obstmately  intolerant  struggle  that  had  oc- 
casioned indescribable  suffering  from  disease  and 
starvation,  as  well  as  the  usual  slaughter  and  de- 
struction mcident  to  war.  the  country  began  to 
enjoy  once  more  a  measure  of  peace.  Financial 
exhaustion,  however,  had  to  be  overeome  before 
recuperationwaspossible.  Industrial  progress  had 


812  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

become  ahnost  paralyzed;  vast  quantities  of  de- 
preciated paper  money  had  to  be  withdrawn  from 
circulation;  and  an  enormous  array  of  claims  for 
the  loss  of  foreign  life  and  property  had  rolled  up. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  BEPUBUC8  OP  THE  CAMBBBAN 

The  course  of  events  in  certain  of  the  republics 
in  and  around  the  Caribbean  Sea  warned  the  His- 
panic nations  that  independence  was  a  relative 
condition  and  that  it  might  vaiy  in  direct  ratio 
with  nearness  to  the  United  States.    After  1»06 
this  powerful  northern  neighbor  showed  an  unmis- 
takable tendency  to  extend  it*  MBr-mce  in  various 
ways.    Here  fiscal  and  pdice  control  was  estab- 
Iwhed;  there  official  recognition  was  withhdd  from 
a  President  who  had  secured  oAoe  by  u^xmstitu- 
tional  methods.    Nonrecognition  promised  to  be 
an  effective  way  of  maintaining  a  regime  of  kw 
•Bd  order,  as  the  United  States  understood  tfaow 
terms.    Assurances  from  the  United  States  of  the 
fuU  political  equality  of  all  republics,  big  or  lit- 
tle, in  the  western  hemisphere  did  not  always 
carry  conviction  to  Spaniifc  American  ears.    The 
smaller  countries  in  and  around  the  Caribbean 
fis 


I     '  I 


ll\ 


«l*  THE  HISPANIC  VJOWKS 

S«^leiwt.  Mcmed  likrib^  to  bemne  virtually 
111  m  iiii  pntectorates. 

Like  tfceir  Hispwic  neighbor  oe  tte  north,  the 
Irttle  republics  of  Central  America  were  also  scenes 
of  political  diitmfaance.     None  of  Oma  except 
Panmn&  escaped  revolutionary  uprisings,  though 
the  loss  of  life  and  property  w«,  insigaificaat.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  these  early  yeaw  of  the  cen- 
tury the  five  countries  north  of  PanamA  made  sub- 
stantial progress  toward  federation.    As  a  South 
American  writer  has  expressed  it.  their  previous 
efforts  in  that  direction  "amid  sumptuous  festi- 
vals, banquets  and  other  solemn  public  acts"  at 
which  they  "intoned  in  lyric  accents  daily  hymns 
for  the  m,,erishable  remiion  of  the  isthmian  repub- 
lics.   J>ad  been  as  illusory  as  they  were  frequent. 
Despite  the  mediation  of  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  in  1806.  while  the  latter  was  still  ruled  by 
Dia.,  the  struggle  in  which  Nicaragua,  Hondums 
Guatemala,  and  Salvador  had  been  engaged  wai 
^n  re^wed  between  the  first  two  belligerents 
buMie  diplomatic  interposition  no  longer  availed, 
American  marines  were  landed  in  Nicaragua,  and 
the  bumptious  Zelaya  was  induced  to  have  hk 
country  meet  its  neighbors  in  a  conference  at 
Washington.     Under  the  auspices  of  the  United 


H 


& 


THE  REPUBUCS  OP  THE  CARIBBEAN  815 
SUte.  and  Mexico,  in  December.  1907,  representa- 
tive, of  the  five  republic,  .igned  a  .erie.  of  con- 
vmtion.  providing  for  peace  and  cooperation.    An 
arbitral  court  of  jurtice,  to  be  erected  in  Costa 
Kica  and  compowd  of  one  judge  from  each  nation, 
was  to  decide  all  matter,  of  dispute  which  could 
not  be  adju.ted   through   ordinary   diplomatic 
means     Here,  abo.  an  institute  for  the  training  of 
CentnU  American  teacher,  was  to  be  established. 
Annual  conferences  were  to  discuss,  and  an  office 
in  Guatemala  was  to  record,  measures  designed 
to  secure  uniformity  in  financial,  commereial,  in- 
dustnal.  .anitaiy.  and   educational  regulations. 
Honduras,  the  storm  center  of  weakness,  was  to  be 
neutrdized.    None  of  the  States  was  thereafter 
to  recognize  in  any  of  them  a  government  which 
had  been  set  up  in  aa  illegal  fashion.    A  "Con- 
stitutional Act  of  Central  American  Fraternity  " 
moreover,  was  adopted  on  behalf  of  peace,  ha'r- 
mony.  and  progress.    Toward  a  reaKzation  of  the 
several  objects  of  the  conference,  the  Presidents 
<rf  the  five  repubhcs  were  to  invite  their  colleagues 
of  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  whenever  need- 
ful, to  appomt  representatives,  to  "l«id  their 
good  offices  in  a  purely  friendly  way. " 
Though  most  of  these  agencies  were  promptly 


f 


i    .,   i 

I  f  • 


«ie  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

put  into  operation,  the  resolta  were  not  shogether 
Mtiifactoiy.  Some  discords,  to  be  sure,  wei*  re- 
moved  by  treaties  settling  boundary  questions 
and  providing  for  reciprocal  trade  advantages: 
but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  arrangements  de- 
vised at  Washington  would  have  worked  at  all  if 
the  United  States  had  not  kept  the  little  countries 
under  a  certain  amount  el  observation.  What 
the  Central  Americans  apparently  preferred  was  to 
be  left  alone,  some  of  them  to  mind  their  own 
business,  others  to  mind  their  neighbor's  itfairs. 

Of  all  the  Central  American  countries  Honduras 
was,  perhaps,  the  one  most  afflicted  with  pecuni- 
ary misfOTtunes.  In  1909  its  foreign  debt,  akmg 
with  arrears  of  interest  unpaid  for  thirty-seven 
years,  was  estimated  at  upwards  of  $110,000,000. 
Of  this  amount  a  laige  part  consisted  of  loans 
obtained  from  foreign  capitalists,  at  more  or  less 
extortionate  rates,  for  the  construction  of  a  short 
railway,  of  which  less  than  half  had  been  built. 
That  revolutions  should  be  rather  chronic  in  a  land 
where  so  much  money  could  be  squandered  and 
where  the  temperaments  of  Presidents  and  ex- 
Presidents  were  so  bellicose,  was  natural  enoi^. 
When  the  United  Sutes  could  not  induce  the 
warring  rivals  to  abide  by  fair  dectiooa,  it  sent  a 


THE  BEPUBUCS  OF  THE  CARIBBEAN  m 
ferce  of  marines  to  overawe  thtm  and  gave  warn- 
ing that  further  disturbances  would  not  be  aikxNd. 
In  Nicaragua  the  conditi<m8w«a»«niiIar.    Here 
ZeUya.  restive  under  the  limiUtions  set  by  the 
conference  at  Washington,  yearned  to  become  the 
"strong  man"  of  Central  America,  who  would 
teach  the  Yankees  to  stop  their  meddling.    But 
his  downfall  was  imminent.    In  1909,  as  the  re- 
»ult  of  his  execution  of  two  American  soldiers  of 
fortune  who  had  taken  part  in  a  recent  insur- 
rection, the  United  Sutes  resolved  to  tolerate 
Zelaya  no  longer.    Openly  recognizing  the  insur- 
gents, it  forced  tile  dictator  out  of  the  country. 
Three  years  later,  when  a  President-elect  started 
to  assume  office  before  tiie  legally    appointed 
time,  a  force  of  American  marines  at  the  capital 
convinced  him  that  such  a  procedure  was  undesir- 
able.   The  "corrupt  and  barbarous"  conditions 
prevailing  in  Zelaya's  time,  he  was  informed,  could 
not  be  tolerated.    The  United  States,  in  fact, 
notified  all  parties  in  Nicangoa  that,  under  the 
terms  of  the  Wariiington  conventions,  it  had  a 
"moral  mandate  to  exert  its  influence  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  general  peace  of  Centnl  Aianca. " 
Smce  those  agreements  IuhI  vested  no  one  with 
authority  to  aiforce  tiien,  siieii  an  teerpretetim 


I' 


S18  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

of  their  language,  aimed  apparently  at  all  dia- 
turbances,  foreign  aa  well  as  domestic,  was  rather 
elastic  t  At  all  events,  after  1912,  when  a  new  con- 
stitution was  adopted,  the  country  became  rela- 
tively quiet  and  son.  ewhat  progressive.  llVhenever 
a  political  flurry  did  take  place,  American  marines 
were  employed  to  preserve  the  peace.  Many  citi- 
zens, therefore,  declined  to  vote  on  the  ground  that 
the  moral  and  material  support  thus  furnished  by 
the  great  nation  to  the  northw^  <  s  r^dered  it  futile 
for  than  to  assume  political  >'<  sponsibilities. 

Meanwhile  negotiations  begcn  which  were  ul- 
timately to  make  Nicaragua  a  fiscal  protectorate 
of  the  United  States.  American  o£Bcials  were 
chosen  to  act  as  financial  advisers  and  collectors 
of  customs,  and  favorable  arrangements  were  con- 
cluded with  American  bankers  regarding  the 
monetary  situation;  but  it  was  not  until  1916 
that  a  treaty  covering  this  situation  was  ratified. 
According  to  its  provisions,  in  return  for  a  stipu- 
lated sum  to  be  expended  under  American  direc- 
tion, Nicaragua  was  to  grant  to  the  United  States 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  constructing  a  canal 
through  the  territory  of  the  republic  and  to  lease 
to  it  the  Com  Ijinnds  and  a  part  of  Fonseca  Bay, 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  for  use  as  naval  stations.  The 


THE  REPDBUC8  OP  THE  CARIBBEAN  SlO 
prospect  of  American  intervention  alarmed  the 
neighboring  repubh'a.    Asserting  that  the  treaty 
infringed  upon  their  respecUve  boundaries,  Costa 
Rica  and  Salvador  brought  suit  against  Nica- 
ragua before  the  Central  American  Court.   With 
the  exception  of  the  Nicaraguan  representaUve,  the 
judges  upheld  the  contention  of  the  plaintiffs  that 
the  defendant  had  no  right  to  make  any  such  con- 
cessions without  previous  consultation  with  Costa 
Rica,  Salvador,  md  Honduras,  since  all  three  alike 
were  affected  by  them.  The  Court  observed,  how- 
ever, that  it  could  not  declare  the  treaty  void 
because  the  United  States,  one  of  the  parties  con- 
cerned, was  not  subject  to  ita  jurisdiction.    Nica- 
ragua declined  to  accept  the  decision;  and  the 
United  States,  the  country  responsible  for  the 
existence  of  the  Court  and  presumably  interested 
in  helping  t<*nforce  its  judgment,  allowed  it  to 
go  out  of  existence  in  1018  on  the  expiration  of 
ita  ten-year  term. 

The  economic  situation  of  Costa  Rica  brought 
about  ^  state  of  affairs  wholly  unusual  in  Central 
American  politics.  The  President,  Alfredo  Gk>n- 
aAlez,  wished  to  reform  the  system  of  taxation  so 
that  a  fairer  share  of  the  public  burdens  should  fall 
on  the  great  landholders  who,  like  most  of  their 


Ki 


r 


fj 


«0  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

biethnn  in  the  HiqjNuiJc  oountriei,  were  pncU- 
cdly  exempt.  Thk  project,  coupled  with  the  fact 
that  certain  American  dtisena  seeking  an  oil  con- 
ceoion  had  undermined  the  power  of  the  Pred- 
dent  by  wholeule  bribery,  induced  the  ICinitter  of 
War,  in  1917.  to  start  a  revolt  againat  him.  Rather 
than  ahed  the  blood  of  his  fellow  citisens  for  mere 
perMmal  advantages,  Goncilez  sustained  the  good 
reputetion  of  CosU  Rica  for  freedom  from  civil 
commotions  by  quietly  leaving  the  oountiy  and 
going  to  the  United  States  to  present  his  case. 
In  consequence,  the  American  Government  de- 
clined to  recognize  the  de  facto  ruler. 

Police  and  fiscal  supervision  by  the  United  States 
has  characterized  the  recent  history  of  PanamA. 
Not  only  has  a  proposed  increase  in  the  customs 
duties  been  disallowed,  but  more  than  once  the  un- 
restattendingpresidential  elections  has  required  the 
cahning  presence  of  American  officials.  As  a  means 
of  forestalling  outbreaks,  particularly  in  view  of  the 
cosmopolitan  population  resident  on  the  Isthmus, 
the  republic  enacted  a  law  in  1914  which  forbade 
foreigners  to  mix  in  local  politics  and  authorized  the 
expulsion  of  naturalized  citizens  who  attacked  the 
Government  through  the  press  or  otherwise.  With 
the  approval  of  the  United  Statw,  PanamA  entered 


THE  REPDBUCS  OF  THE  CARIBBEAN  m 

fate  «.«,^ent  with  America  fln«,cie«p». 

fourth  o^  the  director  of  which  diould  be  n«ned 
by  the  Govenunent  of  the  wpublic. 

J^«  «««>nd  period  of  Americn  rule  in  Cub. 
1-ted  till  ,909.  Contn,loftheGove™„entw« 
^en  formally  tWe«d  to  Jo.*  Miguel  G6me.. 

Iw^  JJ!!  '^  »«*<*«'  to  w.tch  over  it, 
^efOribbeanward.  A  bitter  contwve,^  «„„ 
d^^eloped  m  the  Cub«  C„„g«„  over  ml^ 
to  forbid  the  further  pu«ha«,  of  land  by  ali^ 
K.  Jf ""  *^'*  *  **'*«^  P«««»t««e  of  the 
S^K^r  """""  •"  '""*'  •'^  coloXiti«^ 

a  rtrong  antiforeign  sentiment  and  much  diwatis- 

focUon  on  th*  part  of  the  negro  population.  It 
was  dear  al«>  that  G6me«  intended  to  oust  all 
o»«rvativesfromoffice.for  a.,  obedient  Congres. 
pawed  a  bdl  suspending  the  civil  service  rulT^ 
T^e  partisanship  of  G6me«  and  hi.  supporters 
together  with  the  constant  interference  of  S^' 

outbreak^  which  led  the  United  States,  in  1918. 
to  warn  Cuba  that  it  might  again  be  compell«, 


MICMCOPY  USOUITION   TBI  CHAIT 

(ANSi  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


^  /IPPLIED  ItVMGE    Inc 

-SB^;  1653  Eait  Main  Strvet 

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^S  C"6)  *82  -  0300  -  Phone 

^=  (716)  286  -  5989  -  Tax 


i 


)!■ 


«»  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

to  intervene.  Eventually,  when  a  negro  msurrec- 
tion  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  island  menaced 
the  safety  of  foreigners,  American  marines  were 
landed.  Another  instance  of  intervention  was  the 
objection  by  the  United  States  to  an  employers' 
liability  law  that  would  have  given  a  monopoly 
of  the  insurance  business  to  a  Cuban  company  to 
the  detriment  of  American  firms. 

After  the  election  of  Mario  Menocal,  the  Con- 
servative candidate,  to  the  presidency  in  1912, 
another  occasion  for  intervention  presented  itself. 
An  amnesty  bill,  originally  drafted  for  the  pur- 
pose of  freeing  the  colored  insurgents  and  other 
offenders,  was  amended  so  as  to  empower  the  re- 
tiring President  to  grant  pardon  before  trial  to 
persons  whom  his  successor  wished  to  prosecute 
for  wholesale  corruption  in  financial  transactions. 
Before  the  bill  passed,  however,  notice  .ras  sent 
from  Washington  that,  since  the  American  Govern- 
ment had  the  authority  to  supervise  the  finances  of 
the  republic,  G6mez  would  better  veto  the  bill,  and 
this  he  accordingly  did. 

A  sharp  struggle  arose  when  it  became  known 
that  Menocal  would  be  a  candidate  for  reelec- 
tion. The  Liberal  majority  in  the  Congress  passed 
a  bill  requiring  that  a  President  who  sought  to 


THE  REPUBLICS  OP  THE  CARIBBEAN  sss 
succeed  himself  should  resign  two  months  before 
the  elections.   When  Menocal  vetoed  this  measure, 
his  opponents  demanded  that  the  United  States 
supervise  the  elections.    As  the  result  of  the  elec- 
tions was  doubtful.  G6mez  and  his  followers  re- 
sorted in  1917  to  the  usual  msurrection;  whereupon 
the  American  Government  warned  the  rebels  that 
It  would  not  recognize  their  claims  if  they  won  by 
force.    Active  aid  from  that  quarter,  as  well  as  the 
capture  of  the  insurgent  leader,  caused  the  move- 
ment to  collapse  after  the  electoral  college  had 
decided  in  favor  of  Menocal. 

In  the  Dominican  Republic  disturbances  were 
frequent,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  American 
officials  were  in  charge  of  the  customhouses  and 
by  theu-  presence  were  expected  to  exert  a  quieting 
influence.    Even  the  adoption,  in  1908.  of  a  new 
constitution  which  provided  for  the  prolongation 
of  the  presidential  term  to  six  years  and  for  the 
abolition  of  the  office  of  Vice  President  -  two  stab- 
ilizing devices  quite  common  in  Hispamc  countries 
where  personal  ambition  is  prone  to  be  a  source 
of  pohticaltrouble-didnot  help  much  to  restore 
order.    The  assassination  of  the  President  and  the 
persistence  of  age-long  quarrels  with  Haiti  over 
boundaries  made  matters  worse. 


I''    \ 

J''  I 


J 

Hii]; 

^■i't' ''' 

m 

^ 

824  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Thereupon,  in  1918,  the  United  States  served 
formal  notice  on  the  rebeUious  parties  that  it 
would  not  only  refuse  to  recognize  any  Govern- 
ment set  up  by  force  but  would  withhold  any 
share  in  the  receipts  from  the  customs.    As  this 
procedure  did  not  prevent  a  revolutionaiy  leader 
from  demanding  half  a  million  dollars  as  a  financial 
sedative  for  his  political  n<   .-es  and  from  creat- 
ing more  trouble  when  the  President  failed  to  dis- 
pense it,  the  heavy  hand  of  an  American  naval 
force  administered  another  kind  of  specific,  until 
commissioners  from  Porto  Bico  could  arrive  to 
superintend  the  selection  of  a  new  chief  magis- 
trate.   Notwithstanding  the  protest  of  the  Do- 
minican Government,  the  "fairest  and  freest" 
elections  ever  known  in  the  country  were  held  un- 
der the  direction  of  those  officials  —  as  a  "body  of 
friendly  observers"! 

However  amicable  this  arrangement  seemed,  it 
did  not  smother  the  fiames  of  discord.  In  1916, 
when  an  American  naval  commander  suggested 
that  a  rebellious  Minister  of  War  leave  the  cap- 
ital, he  agreed  to  do  so  if  the  "fairest  and  freest" 
of  chosen  Presidents  would  resign.  Even  after  both 
of  them  had  complied  with  the  suggestions,  the 
mdividuals  who  assumed  their  respective  offices 


TBE  REPDBUCS  OP  THE  CARIBBEAN  m 

Z!^^"',*'"^*''''^'''-    Accordingly  the  Uni. 
t^  Stat^plaoed  the  repubhc  under  milit^  rule. 
imt.1  a  President  could  be  elected  who  might  be 
able toretain  his  post  without  too  much  "friendly 
observation  "  from  Washington,  and  a  Minister  of 
W,^  could  be  appointed  who  would  refrain  from 
niakmg  war  on  the  President!    Then  the  organ- 
2^on  of  a  new  party  to  combat  the  previous  in- 
ordmate  display  of  personalities  in  politics  created 
some  hope  that  the  repubhc  would  accomplish  its 
own  redemption. 

Only  because  of  its  relation  to  the  wars  of  eman- 
cipation and  to  the  Dominican  Re-mblic.  need  the 
negro  state  of  Haiti,  occupymg  the  western  paH 
of  the  Canbbean  island,  be  mentioned  in  comiec- 
UonwiththestoiyoftheHispanicnaUons.  Suffice 

H7.T  *^'  '"''  "^^^  *^^^  *=°'*"  ^'^  'J^-^nt 
and  that  they  spoke  a  variant  of  French  instead  of 
Spanish  did  not  prevent  the  inhabitants  of  this 
state  from  offering  a  far  worse  spectacle  of  politi- 
cal and  financial  demoralization  than  did  theL 
neighbors  to  the  eastward.  Perpetual  commo- 
tions and  repeated  interventions  by  American 
and  European  naval  forces  on  behalf  of  the  for- 
e«n  residents,  eventually  made  it  imperative  for 
the  United  States  to  take  direct  charge  of  the 


u< 


««  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

republic.  In  1016,  by  a  convention  which  phiced 
the  finances  under  American  control,  created  a 
native  constabulary  under  American  officers,  and 
imposed  a  number  of  other  restraints,  the  United 
States  converted  Haiti  into  what  is  practically  a 
protectorate. 


fl! 


I!    i 

m 


CHAPTER  Xn 

PAN-AMEBICANMM  AND  THE  OBEAT  WAS 

While  the  Hispanic  n,publi«,  »««  entering  upon 

ZT    T^  "'  "^'^  -dependrSe.^; 
dea  of  a  certam  community  of  interest*  between 
themselves  and  the  Unit«)t!tof     v        "*  "^^^t^ 
a  fftirlv  ^„«  •.    /  **"  ''^'>  *°  """ume 

«  fairly  definite  form.  Though  emphasized  bv 
American  statesmen  and  publicists  in  p^uW 
t^new  point  of  view  was  not  genera^riT: 
«tood  or  appreciated  by  the  people  of  eLr  tS, 
countiy  or  its  fellow  nations  to  the  south'I^ 
K  seemed,  nevertheless,  to  promise  an  eff^e 
««Perat,on  m  spirit  and  action  between  theCj 
came  the^foi.  to  be  called  "Pan-Americanisr" 

WsoftheUnitedSsalJrStpX 
1-  gave  occasion  for  an  interchange  of  X' 

^urt^^sande^^sionsofgoodfeeC.    ^ 
Jess,  also,  the  presence  of  delegates  from  the 


M«  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

Hispanic  countries  at  the  interaational  gathermgi 
at  The  Hague  served  to  acquaint  the  world  at  large 
with  the  stability,  strength,  wealth,  and  culture 
of  their  respective  lands.    Individual  American, 
took  an  active  interest  in  their  fellows  of  Hispanic 
stock  and  found  their  mterest  reciprocated.   Mo- 
tives  of  business  or  pleasure  and  a  desire  to  ob- 
tain  personal  knowledge  about  one  another  led  to 
visits  and  countervisits  that  became  steadily  more 
frequent.    Societies  were  created  to  encourage 
the  friendship  and  acquaintance  thus  formed.   Sci- 
entific congresses  were  held  and  institutes  were 
founded  in  which  both  the  Uiited  States  and  His- 
panic America  were  represented.    Books,  articles, 
and  newspaper  accounts  about  one  another's  coun- 
tries were  published  in  increasing  volume.   Educa- 
tional instituUons  devoted  a  constantly  growingat- 
tenUon  to  inter-American  affairs.  Individuals  and 
commissions  were  dispatched  by  the  Hispanic  na- 
tions and  the  United  States  to  study  one  another's 
conditions  and  to  confer  about  matters  of  mutual 
concern.  Secretaries  of  State.  Ministers  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  and  other  distinguished  peraonages  interw 
changed  visita.    Above  all.  the  common  dangers 
and  responsibilities  falling  upon  the  Americas  at 
large  as  a  consequence  of  the  European  war  seemed 


PAN.AMERICANISM  sm 

Hcely  to  bring  the  «veral  nation,  into  a  hannony 
of  feeling  and  relaUondiip  to  which  they  had  nev«r 
before  attained. 

Pan-AmericaniMn.  however,  was  destined  to  its 
mam  laigely  a  generous  ideal.    The  action  of  the 
United  States  in  extending  its  direct  influence 
over  thesmdl  republics  in  and  around  the  Carib. 
bean  aroused  the  suspicion  and  alar  .  of  Hispanic 
Americans,  who  sUU  feared  imperialLtic  design, 
on  the  part  of  that  country  now  more  than  ever 
the  Colossus  of  the  North.    "The  art  of  oratory 
among  the  Yankees. "  decided  a  South  American 
cntic.     «  lavish  with  a  fraternal  idealism;  but 
strong  wills  enforce  their  imperialistic  amb-tions  " 
Impassioned  speakers  and  writer  adjuml  the 
ghost  of  Hispanic  confederation  to  rise  and  con- 
Iront  the  new  northern  peril.    They  even  advo- 
cated an  appeal  to  Great  Britain.  Germany,  or 
Japan,  and  they  urged  closer  economic,  social,  and 
mtellectual  relations  with  the  countries  of  Europe 

It  was  while  the  United  States  was  thus  widen- 
ing the  sphere  of  its  influence  in  the  Caribbean 

thatthe«ABC"powe«-Argentina.Bj.^ 
Chile-reached  an  understanding  which  was  in  a 
sense  a  measure  of  self-defense.  For  some  years 
cordial  relations  had  existed  among  these  three 


A 


■r 


: 


, 


wo  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

nation.  wUch  had  grown  so  remarkably  in  strength 
and  prestige.    It  was  felt  that  by  united  acUon 
they  might  set  up  in  the  New  World  the  European 
principle  of  a  balance  of  power,  assume  the  lead- 
ership in  Hispanic  America,  and  serve  in  some 
degree  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  United  States. 
Nevertheless  they  were  disposed  to  cooperate  with 
their  northern  neighbor  in  the  peaceable  adjust- 
ment of  conflicts  in  which  other  Hispanic  countries 
were  concerned,  providwl  that  the  mediation  car- 
ried on  by  such  a  "concert  of  the  western  world  " 
did  not  include  actual  intervenUon  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  countries  involved. 

With  this  attitude  of  the  public  mind,  it  ia  not 
strange  that  the  Hispanic  republics  at  large  should 
have  been  inclined  to  look  with  scant  favor  upon 
proposals  made  by  the  United  States,  in  1916. 
to  render  the  spirit  of  Pan-Americanism  more 
precise  in  ite  operaf  on.    The  proposals  in  sub- 
stance were  these:  Jiat  all  the  nations  of  Amer- 
ica    "mutually   agree   to   guarantee    the  terri- 
torial integrity"  of  one  another;  to  "maintain 
a  republican  form  of  government";  to  prohibit 
the  "exportation  of  arms  to  any  but  the  l^ally 
constituted  governments";  and   to  adopt  laws 
of  neutrality  which  would  make  it  "impossible 


PAN.AMERICANISM  gji 

to  fiiibustering  wpedition.  to  thrwten  or  cany 
on  revolution,  in  neighboring  republia. "    TlMsae 
propaak  appear  to  have  received  no  formal  ap- 
prova.  .eyond  what  is  signified  by  the  diplomalfc 
«pression  "in  principle."  Considering  the  dispar- 
ity  in  rtrength.  wealth,  and  p«»tige  between  the 
northern  country  and  its  southern  fellows,  sugges- 
tion.  of  the  sort  could  be  made  practicable  only 
by  lettmg  the  United  States  do  whatever  it  might 
thi^  needful  to  accomplish  the  objects  which  it 
wught.  Obviously  theHispanic  nations,  singly  or 
collectively,  would  hardly  venture  to  take  any 
such  action  withij  the  borders  of  the  United  Stoti 
Itself,  rf.  for  example,  it  failed  to  maintain  what 
m  their  opinion,  was  "a  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment "    A  fuU  acceptance  of  the  plan  accordingly 
would  have  amounted  to  a  mx)gnition  of  Ameri- 
can oveilordship.  and  this  tixey  were  naturally  not 
•"•posed  to  admit. 

The  common  perils  and  duties  confronting  tiie 
Americas  as  a  result  of  tiie  Great  War.  how- 
ever, made  clase  cooperation  between  tiie  His- 
panic republics  and  Uie  United  States  up  to  a 
certam  point  indispensable.  Toward  that  trans- 
atiuntic  struggle  tiie  attitt-  le  of  all  the  nations  of 
the  New  World  at  tiie  outset  was  substantially  Ui, 


II 


«M  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

•ame.    Though  strongly  ijrnip«thetlc  on  the  whole 
with  the  "Alliei"  and  noUbly  with  Prance,  the 
Muthern  countries  nevertheless  declared  their  neu- 
trality.   More  than  that,  they  tried  to  convert 
neutrality  into  a  Pan-American  policy,  instead  <rf 
regarding  it  as  an  official  attitude  to  be  adopted 
by  the  repubh'cs  sqiarately.    Thus  when  the  con- 
flict overseas  began  to  injure  the  righU  of  neutrals. 
Argentina  and  other  nations  urged  that  the  coun- 
tries of  the  New  World  jointly  agree  to  declare 
that  direct  maritime  commerce  between  American 
lands  should  be  considered  as  "inter- American 
coastwise  trade,"  and  that  the  merchant  ships 
engaged  in  it,  whatever  the  flag  under  which  they 
sailed,  should  be  looked  upon  as  neutral.  Though 
the  South  American  countries  failed  to  enlist  the 
support  of  their  northern  neighbor  in  this  bold 
departure  from  international  precedent,  they  found 
some  compensation  for  their  disappointment  in  the 
closer  commercial  and  financial  relations  which 
they  established  with  the  United  States. 

Because  of  the  dependence  of  the  Hispanic  na- 
tions, and  especially  those  of  the  southern  group,  on 
the  intimacy  of  their  economic  ties  with  the  belligu-- 
ents  overseas,  they  suffered  from  the  ravages  of  the 
struggle  more  perhaps  than  other  lands  outside  of 


PAN^MERICANISM  tSS 

^^  Negotiation,  for  p«.p«tivekHu„we« 
d«PP*d.  Indurtrie.  we«  .„.p«.d«l.  work  on 
public  .mprovementa  wm  checked.  «.d  conunerc 

Wl  off  «.d  ««iy  mon^  became  «arce.  dr«tic 
»«-u«.  h.d  to  Be  devised  to  meet  the  fln^cS 
rtnun^  f»'tJ'«P'otecUonofcredit.b«Jcholid«. 
w«.ded.^..tockexch«.ge.  were  closed.^ 
te~.  were  «rt  up  u.  nearly  .11  the  countrie..  u^ 

«ddut.e.  wereincrea^d.  radical  reduction,  in  ex- 
Penditure  wen,  undertaken,  and  in  a  few  ^ 

With  the  European  market  thu.  wholly  or  par- 
^J;cutoff.theHi.panicr^ubli«we«,for«S" 

^pplythecon^uentshorta^  with  manufactured 
articles  and  other  goods  fn      the  United  S^ 

^dtosend  thither  their  raw.  .terialsinexchC 
To  their  northern  neighbor  they  had  to  turn^ 

forpecumaoraid.  A  Pan-American  fim^dal  ^ 
fe^ce  was  held  at  Washington  in  191..  and  an 
«^.t.onal  high  commission  was  appointed  to 
canyite  recommendations  into  effect.  Gradually 
most  of  the  Hispanic  countries  came  to  sh^!^^ 
^^^bletradebalance.  Then,  as  the  war  drew  mU> 
rt^ourthyear.severalof  them  even  began  to  enjoy 
great  prosperity.  '^ 


M4  THE  HISPANIC  NATIONS 

That  Pan-Americanism  had  not  meant  much 
more  than  ooCperation  for  economic  ends  seemed 
evident  when,  on  April  6. 1917,  the  United  States 
declared  war  ou  Germany.    Listead  of  following 
spontaneously  in  the  wake  of  their  great  north- 
em  neighbor,  the  Hispanic  repubhcs  were  divided 
by  conflicting  currents  of  opinion  and  hesitated 
as  to  their  proper  course  of  procedure.    While 
a  majority  of  them  expressed  approval  of  what 
the  United  States  had  done,  and  while  Uruguay 
for  its  part  asserted  that  "no  American  coun- 
ty, which  in  defense  of  its  own  rights  should 
find  Itself  in  a  state  of  war  with  nations  of  other 
contments,  would  be  treated  as  a  belligerent." 
Mexico  veered  ahnost  to  the  other  extreme  by 
proposing  that  the  republics  of  America  agree  to 
lay  an  embargo  on  the  shipment  of  munitions  to 
the  warring  powers. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  only  seven  out  of  the  nine- 
teen Hispanic  nations  saw  fit  to  imitate  the  ex- 
ample set  by  their  northern  neighbor  and  to  de- 
clare war  on  Germany.  These  were  Cuba -in 
view  of  ite  "duty  toward  the  United  States."- 

Panamd.  Guatemala.  Brazil.  Honduras,  Nicaragua 
and  Coste  Rica.  Since  the  Dominican  Republic 
at  the  time  was  under  American  military  co.ntrol, 


PAN-AMERICANISM  gss 

it  WM  not  in  a  position  to  choose  its  course  F„„, 
countries —  Ecuarlnr  p  n  ..  .  ™"'^-  *<»««• 
-  broke  off  diplomatic  relations  with  GemS^ 
The  o^er  seven  republics  -  Mexico.  SalvX 
Colombia.  Venezuela.  Chile.  Argentina,  and  p2 
«uay-continuedtheirfonnaIneutralit;.  I„,X 

ofad^closuremadebythe  United  StateLfinri! 
-g  and  threatening  utterances  on  the  part  of  tie 
German  cW^rfV««>^,.„^  wLh  tlto 

popular  outbreaks  at  the  capital  aad  induced  tht 

national  Congress  todeclareinfavorofasev^ant 
of  diplomatic  relations  with  that  functional" 
Government,  the  President  of  the  repubhe  st^ 
H™  m  his  resolution  to  mainfin  neLalit^^ 
Pan-Amencamsm  had  ever  involved  tiie  idea  of 
^btical  cooperation  among  the  nations  of  tht 

New  World,  it  br^kedowniustwhenit  might  hat 
servedthegreatestofpuT^oses.  Even  the  "A  B  C^' 
combmation  itself  had  apparently  been  shatteii. 

si  '?*"'Jp""'  ""'*  ""^  ""^  P-^^^d  «ince  the 
had  achieved  their  independence.    Eighteen  DolitT 

ment,  or  backwardness,  were  bon.  of  Spain  in 
America,  and  one  acknowledged  the  maternity  of 


r 


«80  THE  mSPANIC  NATIONS 

Portugal.  Big  Brazil  has  always  maintained  the 
happiest  relations  with  the  little  mother  in  Europe, 
who  still  watches  with  pride  the  growth  of  her 
strapping  youngster.  Between  Spain  and  her  de- 
scendants, however,  animosity  endured  for  many 
years  after  they  had  thrown  off  the  parental  yoke. 
Yet  of  late,  much  has  been  done  on  both  sides  to 
render  the  relationship  cordial.  The  graceful  act 
of  Spain  in  sending  the  much-beloved  Infanta 
Isabel  to  represent  her  in  Argentina  and  Chile  at 
the  celebration  of  the  centennial  anniversary  of 
thew  cry  for  independence,  and  to  wish  them 
Godspeed  on  their  onward  journey,  was  typical 
of  the  yearning  of  the  mother  country  for  her 
children  overseas,  despite  the  lapse  of  years  and 
political  ties.  So,  too,  her  ablest  men  of  intellect 
have  striven  nobly  and  with  marked  success  to 
revive  among  them  a  sense  of  filial  affection  and 
gratitude  for  all  that  Spain  contributed  to  mold 
the  mind  and  heart  of  her  kindred  in  distant 
lands.  On  their  part,  the  Hispanic  Americans 
have  come  to  a  clearer  consciousness  of  the  fact 
that  on  the  continents  of  Jie  New  World  there  are 
two  distinct  types  of  civilization,  with  all  that  each 
connotes  of  differences  in  race,  psychology,  tradi- 
tion, language,  and  custom  —  their  own,  and  that 


PCI 

era 
hei 
see 
ide 


PAN-AMERICANISM  437 

represented  by  the  United  States.  Appn^iative 
though  the  southern  countries  are  of  their  north- 
ern neighbor,  they  cbng  nevertheless  to  their 
heritage  from  Spain  and  Portugal  in  whatever 
seems  conducive  to  the  maintenance  of  their  own 
ideals  of  life  and  thought. 


BIBUOGRAPmCAL  NOTE 

Fob  anythmg  Uke  a  deUfled  study  «f  the  hbtoiy  of  the 
Hwpanic  nation*  of  America,  obvioudy  one  mint  con- 
■ult  works  written  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese.  There 
«»  many  important  books,  also,  in  French  and  Ger- 
in*n;  but.  with  few  exceptions,  the  recommendations 
r  T  the  general  reader  will  be  limited  to  accounU  in 
English. 

A  veiy  useful  outline  and  guide  to  recent  Uterature 
on  the  subject  is  W.  W.  Pierson.  Jr..  ^  SyflaW  0/ ia«„. 
Ammean  Bittory  (Chapel  HiU,  North  Carolina,  1917) 
A  taef  mtroduction  to  the  histoiy  and  present  aspects 
of  Hispamc  American  civilisation  is  W.  R.  Shepherd, 
iohn  America  (New  York.  1914).  The  best  general 
a«w)unts  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonial  systems 
will  be  found  in  Charles  de  Lannoy  and  Herman  van 
derLmden.ffwtoir*  Air£ipoBn<w  ColonialeduPeuplet 
EuTopieni:  Portugal  et  Etpagm  (Brussels  and  Paris. 
1907).  and  Kurt  Simon.  Spanien  und  Portugid  alt  8m 
vnd  KolonialmSchle  (Hamburg.  1918).  For  Uie  Span- 
uh  colonial  regime  alone.  E.  G.  Bourne.  SpcAn  in  Amer- 
wa  (New  York,  1904)  is  eiceUent.  The  situation  in 
southern  South  America  toward  tLe  close  of  Spanish 
rule  IS  weU  described  in  Bernard  Moses.  Souik  America 
on  the  Eve  of  Emancipation  (New  York,  1908).  Among 
contemporary  accounts  of  that  period,  Alexander  von 

230 


240 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


Humboldt  and  Aim£  BonpUnd,  Perianal  Narrclkt  of 
TraveU  to  the  Equinoetial  Regioni  of  Ameriea,  8  voli. 
(London,  1881);  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  PoUtieal 
Esiay  on  tkt  Kingdom  of  New  Spain,  4  vols.  (Lon- 
don. 1811-1888);  and  F.  R.  J.  de  Pona.  Tratelt  in  South 
America,  8  vols.  (London,  1807),  are  authoritative,  even 
if  not  always  eaiy  to  read. 

On  the  wan  of  independence,  «ee  the  scholarly  trea- 
tise by  W.  S.  Robertson,  Rite  of  the  Spaniih-Ameriean 
Republia  at  Told  in  the  Litee  of  their  Liberator!  (New 
York,  1018);  Bartolom£  Mitre,  The  Emancipation  <jf 
South  America  (London,  18BS)  —  a  condensed  transla- 
tion of  the  author's  Hittoria  de  San  Martin,  and  wholly 
favorable  to  that  patriot;  and  F.  L.  Petre,  SimAn 
Bolivar  (London,  1010)— impartial  at  the  expense  of 
the  imagination.  Among  the  numerous  contemporary 
accounts,  the  following  will  be  found  serviceable:  W.  D. 
Robmson,  Memoirs  of  the  Mexican  Remlution  (Phila- 
delphia, 1880);  J.  R.  Poinsett,  Notet  on  Mexico  (Lon- 
don. 1885);  H.  M.  Brackenridge,  Voyage  to  South 
America,  «  vols.  (London,  1820);  W.  B.  Stevenson, 
EUtorieal  and  Deicriptite  Sarratiee  of  Twenty  Yean' 
Sttidenee  in  South  America,  3  vols.  (London,  1885); 
J.  Miller,  Memoirs  of  General  MUler  in  the  Service  of 
the  Republic  of  Peru,  8  vols.  (London,  1828);  H.  L. 
V.  Ducoudray  Holstein,  Memoirt  of  Sim6n  Bolivar,  8 
vols.  (London,  1830),  and  John  Armitage,  History  of 
Brazil,  8  vols.  (London,  1836). 

The  best  books  on  the  history  of  the  republics  as 
a  whole  since  the  attainment  of  independence,  and 
written  from  an  Hispanic  American  viewpoint,  are  F. 
Gatcfa  Calder6n,  Latin  America,  its  Rise  and  Progress 
(New  York,  1913),  and  M.  de  Oliveira  Lima,  The 


B7BL10GRAniICAL  NOTE  Ul 

Eiobaim  ef  Bnenl  Compartd  vitk  that  of  Spanitk  and 
Anglo-Saxon  America  (SUnford  Univenity.  California, 
1814).  The  countries  of  Central  America  are  dealt  with 
by  W.  H.  Koebel,  Central  America  (New  York,  1917), 
and  of  South  America  by  T.  C.  nawson,  The  So>M 
American  Repuy-t,  2  voli.  (New  York,  1D03-1904), 
and  C.  E.  Aker>..  Hietory  of  South  America  (London, 
1918),  though  in  a  manner  that  often  confuaes  rather 
than  enlightens. 

Among  the  histories  and  descriptions  of  individual 
countries,  arranged  in  alphabetical  order,  the  following 
areprobably  the  most  useful  to  the  general  reader:  W.  A. 
Hint,  Argentina  (New  York.  IdlO);  Paul  Walle,  Bolivia 
(New  York,  1914);  Pierre  Denis,  Brazil  (New  York. 
1911);  G.  F.  S.  Elliot,  ChiU  (Ne.v  York,  1907);  P.  J. 
Eder.  Colombia  (New  York,  1913);  J.  B.  Calvo,  The 
Republic  of  Coeta  Rica  (Chicago,  1890);  A.  G.  Robinson, 
Cuba,  Old  and  JVw  (New  York,  1915);  Otto  Schoen- 
rich,  Santo  Domingo  (New  York,  1918);  C.  R.  Enock, 
Ecuador  (New  York,  1914);  C.  R.  Enock,  Mexico  (New 
York,  1909);  W.  H.  Koebel,  Paraguay  (New  York, 
1917);  C.  R.  Enock,  Peru  (New  York,  1910);  W.  H. 
Koebel,  Uruguay  (New  York,  1911),  and  L.  V.  Dalton, 
Venezuela  (Nevr  York,  1918).  Of  these,  the  books  by 
Robinson  and  Eder,  on  Cuba  and  Colombia,  respec- 
tively, are  the  most  readable  and  reliable. 

For  additional  bibliographical  references  see  South 
America  and  the  articles  on  individual  countries  in  The 
Encyclopaxlia  Britannica,  11th  edition,  and  in  Marrion 
Wilcox  and  G.  E.  Rines,  Eneydopedia  of  Latin  Amer- 
ica (New  York,  1917). 


Of  contemporaiy  or  later  works  descriptive  of  the  life 

'6 


MA  nBUOOSAFRICAL  NOTE 

and  UniM  oT  «miiMBt  dianeten  in  the  hirtoiy  at  tht 

Htapule  Amnieu  npublics  liiiM  18S0.  K  fcwmaj  be 
Ukm  M  fepneeaUtive.  Bom:  3.  A.  lOng,  Tvmiu- 
four  Yton  in  tk»  Arttn^u  Rtpublie  (London.  IBM), 
•nd  WoodWne  PmU>,  Jii*w,  ^j,.,  anrf  tt#  P«)«iMw 
qf  <A«  Jt{9  «b  t]  Plato  (London.  IMS).  Fhuiel«:J.B. 
Bengger.  tUgmffDr.  Jottpk  Oaipard  Sodtriek  [I]  d$ 
Frwuia  m  Paniguai/  (London,  1887);  J.  P.  and  W.  P. 
Sobertwm.  LtfUri  on  SmOk  Ameriea,  8  voU.  (London, 
1848),  and  E.L,  White,  £/Si.prww.«novel  (New  YoA, 
IBie).  SmU  Annm:  W«ddy  Thompgon, /l*coB»e«im. 
cfUtxieo  (New  Yorlt,  1848).  and  F.  E.  Inglei.  Calderfn 
de  la  Barca,  m»  in  Mtxioo  (London,  1862).    Ju&re* :  U. 

B.  Burlce,  L^»  of  Bmito  Judre*  (London,  1894).  So- 
lano Upec:  T.  J.  Hutchinton.  Parand:  leitk  IneidenU 
ef  th0  Paraguayan  War  and  South  Ai..«riean  PMoOee- 
Hon*  (London,  1868);  George  ThompBon,  The  War  in 
Pc-aguan  (London.  1869);  R.  F.  Burton.  Letter,  from 
tw  BaUle-JUdt  of  Paraguay  (London.  1870),  and  C.  A. 
Waihbum.  The  Hiitory  of  Paraguay,  S  voli.  (Boston, 
1871).  Pedro  II:  J.  C.  Fletcher  and  D.  P.  Kidder, 
Bra»a  and  the  BraxOian*  (Boston.  1879).  and  Frank 
Bennett.  Forty  Years  in  Brtail  (London.  1914).  Garcia 
Moreno:  Frederick  Haaiaurek.  Four  Yean  among 
SponiutilnMriMiM  (New York.  1807).  Guzm&n Blanco: 

C.  D.  Dance,  ReeottecHone  of  Four  Yeare  in  Veneaida 
(London,  1878).  DIai :  James  Creelman,  Diaz,  MaHer 
of  Mexico  (New  York.  1911).  ralmaceda:  M.  H. 
Her\-ey,  Dark  Dayi  in  Chile  (London.  1S91-I89S). 
Carranaa:  L.  Gutierrez  de  Lara  and  Edgcumb  Pin- 
chon.  The  Mexican  People:  their  StruggU  for  Freedom 
(New  York,  1914). 


INDEX 


^ABC»Coato«mllM^ 

dpb  «f  bduet  or  p<nr«.  %•- 
nO:  oaobiiuitiaa  bcwlu  down, 

*«»«■  th.  rint.  €f  Maiook  m 

lluAfckAiMUnd. 
"AailmMw  CoofrMi  of,"  n 
AucAb,  tiMitjr  bttmn  Chilt  and 

f<m  ligiHd  kt,  Ul 
Aorfsy  Su  Hartla  croMn,  M; 

Bo«»ir  cn»Mi,   8^   fO;  m 

boundarir  batmen  Arnntiaa 

•ad  CSfle,  IT»-7«;  tutu,  of 

ChriMiii.177 
Antootnn.  Coninti  at.  W 
AntofaguU,  uitnta  o(  Mxb  in. 

188 
AiwBtiB*.  sDd  Bndl,  68-88, 78. 

fT*-TJi  fcetia.  e»-7a  ir^ 

1T4:  BoM.  u  FMdat.  87- 

188;  178;  aDdhniuur,  88-88, 
188-87;  ^Ibm  MwlUoa  el 
•niiiwDoo,  Ml.  l»-87;  nvolt 

?!."%.  '^^'  Popataion. 
m  I7t;  umnigntioD,  185; 
BiuiHK,  1S8-M,  171-78;  in. 
duftiy.  178;  "revolution"  o{ 
180^  178;  end  Chik,  175-77; 
interrena  between  Ecuador 
ud  Peru.  185;  Drego  formu- 
htetdoctriceofeontrsctdebti; 
181 ;  ref ujea  to  leoogniw  Huer- 
ta  government  in  Mexico, 
JOS;  offen  mediation  between 
Uwted  State*  and  MencD,  KM; 
ABC"  Conferaice,  806;  at 

MS 


at<3rB*^??ss22£ 

MM*  IM:  Mutnl  ta  Oieat 
War.  n>i  sMMidd  aaaiw^ 
Mry  «r  fadipendeiiw.  888;  m 

Aifnttaa  Vknraia,  178 
Afamio*CoaMmtioii,UFIato 

noMMd.88:Mal»Ai|eBliaa, 

LaPlaU 
Afica,  188-48. 181-88 
;Anajro»thaA«dei.»8t 
"Armjr  of  tlw  Thna  Gaua*. 

tee%    48 
Ai^tk  Joi4  Gervado;  88,  81. 

Awncite,    nvohitioaanr    ont- 

bnakta,8l 
AtaoaiBa,daMrt<f,  188 
vislria-HaiwaijrandMedeo,  118 
.VyaeuehOh  vdhjr  < '  ~ 

toc]riD,n 


r  of,  Suere'a  vie- 


BjUf  Wfir).  Braai],  77 

"MkaBftataa"cf  America,  188 

Balmaeada,  Joel  BlaaueL  177- 
IWiWblfcy«lv,84r  '" 

Banda  OrioitaC  part  of  viee- 
rojraltjr  cf  La  Rata,  81;  po- 
litical moveaeati  in,  88-88; 
diiputed  territory.  81-88.  88- 
«8;  annexed  to  Braiil  81; 
bcoomea  republic  of  Unigu  '. 
88;  <w  obo  Urucuay 

Banioh  Juato  RuSno.  Prcnduit 
of  Guatemala,  187-88 

BatUe;  Joat,  Fteddent  of  Urn- 
guajT,  188-70 


244 


INDEX 


BeIgr«no,  Manud,  leader  in  La 

Plata,  la 
Blanco,   Antonio   GumUn,   we 

Guzmin  Blanco,  Antonio 
l»«oW.    CongreM    at,    id,    87; 
Spaniah    atrocities    at,     S8; 
BoUvar  goes  to,  M 
BoKvar,  Sim6n,  U8:  favon  cen- 
tralized control,  tS;  "Libera- 
tor   of    Venezuela,"    tS;    as 
dictator,  ts-i7;  flees  to  Ja- 
maica, i7;  expedition  to  Vene- 
zuela (1816),  S7,  38-S9:  Pres- 
ident of  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia,   »8;    and    San    Martin, 
43-47;  personal  characteristics, 
«-4«;    quoted,    «S-«7;    and 
Peru,  57-80;    Bolivia  named 
m  honor  of,  60;  as  President 
of  three  republics,  61-65;  pro- 
motes Congress  at  Panamd 

Bdivia,    «1,    ui;  Las  Charcas 
becomes,  60-61;  and  Bolivar. 
**■    66;    boundaries,    137-38' 
and  Chile,  138-40,  141,  I4e_ 
143,  181;  constitution  adopted 
(1880),     14«;     progress.,     143, 
183;  at  Washington  Confer- 
ence (1915),   «08;   breaks  o«F 
diplomatic  relations  with  Ger- 
many,  235;  see  aim  Charcas 
Bonaparte,  Joseph,  17,  19 
Boundary    disputes,    Argentina 
and  Brazil,  34,  6»-69,  174-75; 
Brazil    with    Paraguay    and' 
Uruguay,  96;  Chile  with  Bo- 
livia and  Peru,  137-13,  181- 
188;  Argentina  and  Chile,  175- 
176;  Peru,  Brazil,  and  Colom- 
bia, 184;  Venezuela  and  British 
Guiana,    188-89;    Haiti    and 
Domimcan  Hepublic,  248 
Boyaci,  rivulet  of,  BoUvar  de- 
feats royalists  at,  30 
Brazil,  subject  to  Portugal,    1; 
social  organization,  4-;';  for- 
eigners in,  5;  education,  9,  29; 


government.  10,  28-29,  «»- 
»4,  76-79.  166-67;  annexes 
Bands  Oriental,  82;  under 
Pedro  I,  4S-55,  77-79;  pro- 
clauned  independent  of  Porto. 
gu,  55;  and  Argentina,  68-69, 
78,  174-75;  and  Uruguay.  78. 
90,  91,  02.97;and?«ni^y^ 
M.  W.  97.  136,  wTiSS 
Pedro  II,  102-03;  rises  to  posi- 
tion of  eminence,  121, 12th-88; 
abolition  of  slavery,  129-so' 
immigration,  130;  becomes 
United  States  of  Brazil  (1889) 

107-68;  pohtics,  168;  interven- 
tion   between    Ecuador    and 
Peru,  185;  refuses  to  recognize 
Huerta  government  in  Mexico, 
203;  offers  mediation  between 
United    SUtea    and    Mexico, 
«05;  at  "A  B  C"  Conference, 
206;   at   Washington   Confer- 
ence  (1915),  208-09;  declares 
war  on  Germany,  234;  rela- 
tions with  Portugal,  236 
British  Guiana,   boundary  dis- 
pute with  Venezuela,  188 
Buenos    Aires    (city),    viceroy 
deposed  at,  17,  20;  political 
commotions,  21, 81,  89;  hostile 
to  Montevideo.  22-28;  suprem- 
acy of,  68,  69-70,  87:  FVench 
blockade  of,  90;  and  Upa, 
96;  change  in  city  and  prov- 
ince,  135;  6nancial  panic,  172 
Buenos  Aires  (province).  70,  87, 
135 

Callao,  BoUvar  at,  58,  62 

Campos  Salles,  Mauoel  Ferrai 
de.  President  of  Brazil,  167-68 

Cauterac,  Jos«,  royaUst  leader 
m  Peru,  58,  59,  60 

Carabobo,  Battle  of,  43 

Caracas,  revolution  in,  24;  and 
Bolfvar,  26,  37;  assembly  de- 
clares Venezuela  a  separate 
stale,  66 


INDEX 


Caribbean,  countriea  of  the,  1«1, 
m-tO;  Ml  alto  namea  of 
countries 

Carlotta,  wife  of  Maximilian,  118 

Carrania,  Venusliano,  204-12; 
bibliography,  212 

Cartagena,  Spaniah  victory  at, 
SO 

Caatro,   Cipriano,  President  of 

Venezuela,  189-M,  194 
Central  America,  at  Panami 
Congress  (1826),  64:  throws  off 
Mexican  yoke,  75-76;  re- 
publics of,  76,  121:  >ee  aim 
Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Hon- 
duras, Nicaragua,  Salvador 
Central  America,   Republic  of, 

129 
Central   American   Court,   21i, 

Cispedes,    Carlos    Manuel    de 

Cuban  leader,  112 
Chacabuco,  San  MarUn  defeats 

royalists  at,  34 
Charcas  (Bolivia),  province  of 
La  Plata,  21;  becomes  province 
of  Peru,  22,  40;  royalists  in, 
ol,  60;  becomes  Bolivia,  60-61  ■ 
see  alto  P-'livia  * 

Chile,   40,    .84;    declares    inde- 
wndence  (1810),  23;   Spanish 
rtgime  restored  (1814),  24,  S3; 
San  Martin  and  O'Higgins  in,' 
S4-35,   71;   independence  de- 
clared (1818),  3S,  70;  Coch- 
rane organizes  navy,  41,  4g. 
politic,  71-72,   181;  rises  to 
position    of    eminence,     121' 
"War  of  the  Pacific,"  187-  42,' 
181-83;  and  Argentina,   175- 
177;  under  Balmaceda,  177- 
180;  civil  war,  180;  recent  sta- 
bUity    in,    180-81;  refuses  to 
recognize  Huerta  government 
in  Mexico,  203;  offers  media- 
tion   between    United   States 
and  Mexico,  205;  at  "A  n  C" 
Conference,  205-06;  at  Wash- 
ington Conference  (1914),  208- 


345 


*2?!    "ABC"  combination, 
M9-S0,  2S4:  neutral  in  Great 
War,  235;  centennial  anniver- 
sary, ISA 
Chilo*,  Island  of,  61-62 
Christ  the  Redeemer,  statue  in 

the  Andes,  177 
Christophe,  Henri,  14 
Chuquiaaca,    capital   of    Char- 
cas, aO;  renamed  Sucre,  61 
Cisplatine  Province,  32,  69;  m« 

aim  Honda  Oriental 
Cochrane,  Thomas,  Eari  of  Dun- 

donald.  41,  42,  77 
Coo>a  a  Colombian  product,  144 
Coffee,  plantin     introduced  in 
Guatemala,  '      -28;  grown  in 
Colombia,  14 
Colombia,  121;  Republic  of,  39, 
145;  BoL'var  as  President,  89, 
62;  and  province  of  Quito,  43, 
45;  at  Congress  at  Panama,  64- 
rebels    against    BoUvar,    66; 
intervenes   in   Ecuador,    101- 
finance,  144,  185;  government^ 
144-45;  revolution  (1876),  144; 
boundary  disputes,    184;   se- 
cession of  Panami  (1903),  185- 
187;  and  Venezuela,  191,  103 
195;   neutral  in    Great   War, 
235;    see    aho    Bogoti,    New 
Granada 
Commerce,  7-8,  12,  282-83 
Cora  Islands,  218 
"  Corner  of  Death, "  59 
Costo  Rica,  76,  I26-«7, 144.  214 

219-20,  234 

Creoles,  4, 17, 26 

Cuba,  52,  195;  slavery  in.  111; 

government.  111;  insurrection 

1868).  112;  Ten  Years'  War, 

113,  158;  becomes  a  republic. 

143,    158-64;    United    States 

intervention     in,     102,     164, 

221,  222;  refuses  to  recognize 

Huerta  government  in  Mexico. 

203;  insurrection  (1917),  223; 

declares  war  on  Germany.  23 1 

Curasao.  Island  of,  BoUvar  in,  »y 


346 


INDEX 


Denmark,  IM 

Dtmz.  Porfirio,  117,  lit;  hexb 
Mexican  rebellion,  ItlHK;  ai 
Ftaident  of  Mexico,  122-26, 
lM-55,  lM-202;  downfall, 
IM,  2U1-02;  bibliography,  242 

Dominican  Republic  lOS-Il, 
164HU,  223-2«,  234-35;  ne 
aba  Haiti 

Drago,  Luis  Maria,  lai 

Dulce;  Governor  and  Captain 
General  of  Cuba,  112 

Dundonald,  Thomas  Cochrane, 
Earl  of,  41, 42, 77 

"Earthquake"  rmublic,  2i 
Ecuador,  121;  Quito  becomes, 
67;  theocraqr  in,  90-102;  hos- 
tility between  radicals  and  cler- 
icals, 143,  183-84;  boundary 
auestions,  184-85;  breaks  off 
Iplomatic  relations  with  Ger- 
many, 235;  tee  aim  Guayaquil, 
Quito  (province),  Quito  (town) 

Education,  Spanish  Amenca,  8, 
9-10;  Brazil,  29;  Ecuador, 
lOO-Ol;  Guatemala,  127;  Vene- 
suela,  146,  105;  MeiicD,  154; 
Central  America,  215 

Ensenada  renamed  La  Plata,  135 

"Equator,  Republic  of  the" 
(Ecuador),  67 

Escobedo,  captor  of  Maximilian, 
118 

Ferdinand  VII  of  Spam,  17,  18, 
19, 20, 27,  30. 38, 40,  48,  59,  74 

"Ferriire,  La,"  14 

Finance,  Mexico,  116,  125,  155; 
Argentina,  135-36,  171-72; 
Colombia,  144, 185;  Venezuda, 
146;  Dominican  Repu'ulic,  164- 
165;  Paraguay,  171;  Honduras, 
216;  Nicaragua,  218;  Costa 
Rica,  219-20;  Panama,  220- 
221;  during  Gnat  War,  233 

Florida,  United  SUtes  acquires, 
28.  51 

Fonseca,  Deodoro  da,  131,  133 


Fonseca  Bay.  part  kated  to 
Umted  SUtes.  218 

FVance.  and  Santo  DomingOk 
13-14;  San  Martin  retires  to, 
47;  blockades  Argentine  portik 
to,  91-02;  offers  medutioD 
between  Argentina  and  Uru- 
guay. 91;  war  with  Mexico, 
106;  Napoleon  in  and  Mexico, 
115-18;  and  Venezuela.  193. 
195;  attitude  of  ^lanisb  Amer- 
ica in  Great  War  toward.  281 

Franda.  Dr.  Joai  Gaqiar  Ro- 
drfgues  de.  22.  S2-SS.  93;  bib- 
uography,  241-42 

BVench  Revolution.  influenr«  on 
Spanish  America,  IS 

Garcia  Moreno,  Gabriel,  Ftesi- 
dent  of  Ecuador,  99-102, 148; 
bibliography,  242 
Garibaldi,  Giuseppe.  91 
Germans  in  BranI,  ISO 
Germany,  and  Venesuela.  191; 
attitude  of  Spanish  America 
toward  (1918),  234-35 
GteiM,  Josi  Miguel,  President 

of  Cuba,  221-23 
G6mex.  Juan  Vicente,  President 

of  Venesuela,  194-95 
GAmei,  Miximo,  leader  of  revo- 
lution in  Cuba.  160 
Gonz&les,  Albedo.  President  of 
^^  Costa  Rica,  21»-20 
"Grand  Lodge  <rf  America,"  IS 
Great  Britain,  commerce  with. 
12;  influence  over  Portugal. 
15;    acquires    Trinidad,    15; 
Miranda  seeks  aid  from,  16; 
seuds  expedition  to  Rio  de 
la  Plata,  16-17;  aids  Spanish 
American  and  Braxilian  inde- 
|>endence.  38. 79;  offers  media- 
tion between  Argentina  and 
Uru^y.   91;  blodcades  Ar^ 

Sntme  ports.  91-92;  and 
exico,  115, 116;  and  Nicara- 
gua, 157,  158:  arbitrates  be- 
tween  Chile  and  Argentina. 


INDEX 


Gntt  Britaia— ContmiMtf 
176;  aod  Vcoaiueh,  188-89, 
IW,  191, 193,  igs 
Gmt  Wsr,  rdatioiu  of  Binanic 
nation*  to,  ISl-U 
Greater  Itq>ublic  of   Central 
America,    lie 
Guatemala,    independence    de- 
dared.    S0-5U     in    "United 
novincee  of  Central  America," 
76;  war  with  other  Central 
American  itates,  76, 1«9,  214; 
Banioi  »  FTendent.  127-29; 
order    ...    IM-M,    147;    at 
WaabingtonConference  (1914), 
*08-09!  declarea  war  on  Ger- 
many, KM 
Guayaquil,  184;  BoUvar  in,  48, 
44;  revolution  in,  43, 143;  San 
Martin  in,  43 
Gram4n  Bknco,  Antonio,  Presi- 
dent  of   Venezueh,    143-47, 
188:  bibliography,  242 

Hague  Ftace  Conferences,  148. 

141,  132,  176,  228 
Hague  Tribunal.  183,  187, 192 
Huti,  Republic  of,  pncUjnu  in- 
dependence,   14;    center    of 
reralutionary    agitation.    13; 
Boll  Tar  in,  S7;  and  Dominican 
Bcpublic^    31,    108-09,    223; 
ben>me>  protectorate  of  United' 
States,223-26;  nt  aUo  Domini- 
«n  Bmublic,  Santo  Domingo 
Hidalgo,  Miguel,  leader  in  Mexi- 
co, 87 
Hradura^     219;     in     "United 
Provinces  of  Central  America," 
76;  wars  with  other  Central 
American  states.  76,  214;  and 
Guatemahk  129;  tries  to  form 
Greater  Bepublic  of  Central 
America,"    146;    neutralized, 
213;  finance,  216;  breaks  off 
diplomatic  relations  with  Ger- 
many, 233 
Hnerta,  Victoriano,  202-03. 204- 
206,207  ™.  I 


iM7 

"Ignah,  Plan  of, "  48-49,  30 
Immigration,    Argentina.     184; 

Bratil,  ISO 
Indiana.  8.  6-7, 134 
Inquisition  aboliahed,  21,  83 
International     Conferences     of 

^nencan  States.  148-41.  227 
Isabel.  Infanta,  represents  Spain 

at  centennial  celebration   in 
T  *'??»»'"■•■"•  CU'*.  *S6 
Isabella  II  of  Spain,  110, 112 
Italy  and  Venezuela,  191, 193 
Iturbide,  Agustln  de,  leader  in 

Mexico,  48-49;  assumes  presi- 

wen(7,  30;  emperor,  30.  72-74 
ItuiaugA,  Battle  of,  69 

Jamaica,  14;  Bolfvar  in,  27, 46 
Jeniits,  m  Paraguay,  22;  in  Ecua- 

dor,  100;  in  Guatemala,  127 
John  IV  of  Portugal,  42-4S 
Juirra,  Benito  Pablo,  Mexican 

sUtesman,  113-14,  117,  118, 

119,  121;  bibliography,  242 
Junin,  plam  of,  Bolivar's  victory 

on,  49  ' 

"King's  Beautiful  View,"  14 
La  Guaira,  seaport  of  Venezueh, 

i«  Pai.  Bolfvar  at.  60 

La  Plata,  revolts  from  Spam, 

United  Provuces  of  La  Plata 
Kiver  •  21 ;  and  Paraguay,  22; 
S;"'^'"'*  Orientaf  22-23, 
M;  Chileans  flee  to,  24,  SS-S4; 
independence  dedared,  31; 
San  Martin  in,  S3;  and  Chai^ 
cas,  40,  60;  name  changed 
to  Argentine  Confederation," 
68;  me  aim  Argentina 

La  Hate  (village),  134 

La  Plata  Congress,  Si,  46 

Latin    Amenca,    aee     Spanish 
Amenca 

"Lemonade,  Count  of."  u 


848 


INDEX 


Lima,  W;  San  Martin  in,  41,  it, 
47;  Bolfvar  at,  60;  uprin'ng  in, 
U;  Chilean  army  in,  141 

Limantour,  Joat  Yves,  Mexican 
Minitter  of  Finance,  lU 

Uptt,  Fraociico  Solano,  Fteii- 
oent  of  Paraguay,  l)S-89; 
bibliography,  842 

liouiiiana,  (8 

L'OuTertuie,  Touuaint.  14 

Macfo,  Antonio,  leader  in  Cuba, 

leo 

Madero,  Francisco  I,  President 
of  Mexico,  SOl-03 

Magellan,  Strait  of,  declared 
neutral,  17f 

Maipo,  Battle  of,  35 

"Marmalade,  Duke  of,"  14 

Maximilian,  Archduke  of  Aus- 
tria, 117-18 

Mcaorea,  band  of  followers  of 
Rosas,  89 

Mendoza,  San  Marttn  at,  34 

Menocal,  Mario,  President  of 
Cuba,  itt-13 

Mexican  Central  Raiboad  Com- 
pany, la 

"Mexican  Empire,"  49,  7i;  tee 
aUo  Mexico 

Mexico,  revolt  under  Hidalgo 
and  Morelos,  27-28;  "Plan  of 
Iguala, "  48;  independence  de- 
clared, 49;  Empire  of,  49-<0, 
72-74 ;  at  Congress  at  Panami. 
C4;  government  (1829-S5), 
104-07;  Spain  attempts  to 
recover,  105;  under  Ju&r^ 
113  tl  ttq.;  and  Napoleon  III, 
115-18;  finance,  116, 125,  155; 
and  Maximilian,  117-18;  under 
Dfaz,  121-26,  154-55;  medi- 
ates between  Central  Ameri- 
can states,  157,  158;  revolu- 
tion (1910-17),  196  el  aeq.;  in 
Great  War,  234,  235 
Mexico,  city  of,  49 
Miranda,  Francisco  de  15-16, 
24-25 


Mitre,  Bartolom«,  134 

Monroe  Doctrine,   6S-64,    108, 

109,  149,  190 
Montevideo,  and  La  Plata,  22- 

23,  32;  Rosas  lays  siege  to,  91, 

92;  political  troubles  in,  "95, 

169 
Moraciln,  Francisco,  78 
Morelos,  Jos«  Maria,  27-28,  48 
Moreno,    Gabriel    Garcia,    ue 

Garcia  Moreno,  Gabriel 
Morillo,  Pablo,  36,  38 
Mosquito  Indiana,  158 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  IS,  14, 17- 
18,35 

Napoleon  III  and  Mexico,  115- 
118 

Nationa;  exican  Rr>i?-oad  Com- 
pany, li^ 

Nwoes,  S,  81;  lee  alao  Haiti, 
Slavery 

Netherlands,  The,  .nd  Vene- 
suela,  193, 195 

New  Granada,  uprising  against 
Spain  in,  19,  24,  28;  Bolivar 
m,  26;  Morillo  in,  36,  38; 
becomes  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia, 39;  provinces  of  Quito 
and  CharCBS  formerly  part  of, 
40;  name  given  to  new  re- 
public formed  at  Bogota,  67; 
_*w  aUo  Cclombia,  Venezuela 

New  Spain,  uprising  against 
Spain,  19-20,  27,  47-51;  tee 
alto  Central  America,  Mexico 

Niagara  Falls  (Canada),  "A  B 
C  '  Conference  at,  205-06,  209 

Nicaragua,  in  "  United  Provinces 
of  Central  America,"  76; 
Zelaya  in,  156-58,  217;  United 
States  intervention  in,  214- 
216,  217,  218;  treaty  with 
United  SUtes  (1916),  218-19; 
declares  war  on  Germanv. 
234 
Nitrate  of  soda,  138,  139,  182 
Ni''(iez,  Rafael,  President  of 
Colombia,  144-45 


INDEX 


conven- 


Orada,    conatitutioniU 

tion  at,  65 
O'Donojd,    Juan,     viceroy     ir 

Mexico,  49,  SO 
0"Higgin8,  Bernardo,  34,  41,  71 
Onbe,  Manuel,  01 
(Mente  region,  184 

Pjcific  War  of  the,  137, 181 
Paej,  Josi  Antonio,  37,  es 
Palma,  Tom4«  Eitnida,  163,  164 

TisSf).  W-  ^™«"»  " 

Pan-American  Conferences  148- 

^_  141,  tn 

"Pan-Americanism,"  ««7  el  tea 

P^aguay  1«1 ;  part  of  La  Plati, 
*i;  declares  independence,  !K- 
population,  «2;  under  Francia. 

?i^  oi  """".Argentma,  05-98, 

J  n'  *°"  Uruguay,  05,  96 

and  Brazil,  95,  06,  97,   136 

167;  after  1898,  171;  anance." 

171 ;  neutral  in  Great  War,  «35 

ranina,  L6pez  on  the,  96 

^tagonia.  134,  175 

PWro  I,  Emperor  of  Biaail,  5!^- 

55,  77-79 
Pedro  II,  Emperor  of  Brazil  79 
10«,    103,    131,    133:    bibW 
raphy,  242 
Pemambuco  (city),  Brazil,  77 
Pferu,  121 ;  uprising  against  Spain, 
l»-*0-  41-«;  gams  Charas! 
».  40;   and   Chile,   24,  137- 
142, 181-B3;royalist,  39-40,51; 
and  Quito,  40,  43,  45;  declared 
independent,  42;  and  Bolfvar, 
57-60,  62,  66,  71;  at  Congress 
ft    E*"?,™*-    **;    "War    of 
the  PaciBc, '  137-42,  181-83' 
army,  140;  poliUcal  situation,' 
183-84;  breaks  oS  diplomatic 
relations  with  Germany,  235- 
^«e  alto  Lima  * 

Picfaincha,  volcano  of,  44 


S49 

Plata,  Rio  de  la,  10 
"^S^i^^TacnaondAric. 

PoIitiofJ  portiea.  84:  Guatemala, 
J,':  *^"'""'  '8-70,  89,  173- 
{JJ«.  71-72,  181;  Mexici,  75 
lW^W,204:C™t«.lAmeriL^ 
76;  Unigi^.  00,  91,  95,  91. 

160;  Bran],  168 

Porto  Hieo,  United  Statu  oc 
quires,  162;  commissioners  si- 
perintend  election  in  Domini- 
can  Republic  ««4 

Portugal  extent  of  dominion  in 
*P?™=^  1^:  policy  in  Brazil, 
10-11,  28-29,  52,  53-53:  de- 
pendent upon  Great  Britain. 
15;  Bdations  with  Brazil,  230 
nws,  Ihe,  Argentma,  21,  88- 
Brazil  89,  103;  PanamA,  220 

^of'as^a"'"'"'™'"- 

'Queen's  Delight,"  14 
Queritaro,  Maximilian  captured 
at,  118;  constitutional  conven- 
tion at,  210 
Quito    (provicce),    belongs    to 
reru,  40;  dispute  over,  43-44 
«,66:goveniment  overthrown! 
65;  declares  independence  un- 
der the  name  Ecuador,  67:  tee 
aua  Ecuador 
Quito  (town),  44,  143,  184 

"Hay,  and  Suns  of  Bolivar,"  52 
Religion,  8-9,  85:  Meiico,  48; 
Ecuador,  100-01 

Kio  de  Janeiro  (city),  77,  98- 
^rtuguese  rulers  come  to,  28: 
PWro  I  at,  54;  treaty  with 
Aigeotma  signed  at,  69;  un- 

„;™'"K  (Jf'J.  ■«:  (1889),  132 
n  Grande  do  Sul  (province), 
nrazu,  Germans  in,  130 

Kivadavia,  Bernardino,  68,  69 


UQ 


INDEX 


Bivera,  FVuetmao,  91 
Bocs,  Julio  Argentino,  184 
Bodmi,  Caballero  de,  lit 
BoMriodeC6cuU.CoiigraMai,SS 
BotM,  Juan  Manuel  de,  08,  87- 
M;  bibliograidiy.  Ml 

SalaTanieta,  Poliearpa,  S9-S7 

Salvador,  aud  Mexico,  41;  in 

"United  Provinces  of  Central 

'        America,"  76;  relationa  with 

other  Central  American  itatea, 

76, 128,  IM,  I«6,  CI4;  part  ip 

United  Stateft'Nicaragua  con- 

troveray,  219;  neutral  in  Great 

War,  23JI 

San  Juan  de  Uliia,  aurrender  of 

fortreas  (18!M),  74 
San  Martin,  Joai  de,  SS-Si,  41- 

47,47 
"SanaSouci,"  14 
Santa  Anna,  Antonio  L6pes  de, 
7S,  104, 105;  bibliography,  242 
Santa  Marta,  Bolivar  retires  to 

estate  near,  67 
Santiago,  takes  lead  in  revolt 
against  Spain,  23;  O'Higgina 
at,  34;  in  civil  war,  180 
Santo  Domingo,  13-lJ,  tl,  108. 
Me  aim  Dominican  Bepublic, 
HaiU 
Sao  Fkulo  (city),  Brazil,  77 
Sio  Paub  (province),  Brr^il,  M 
Sarmiento,   Domingo  Fauatino. 

134 
Slave  trade,    aboliahed   in    La 
Plata,  21;  topic  for  diacuasion 
at  Panami  Cougreas,  64 
Saveiy,  8,  80, 103,  111,  129-30 
Solano  L6pez,  Franciaoo,  tee  U- 

pez,  Francisco  Solano 
Spain,  extent  of  dominions  in 
America,  1-2;  under  influence 
of  France,  IS;  and  Napoleon, 
17,  SB;  poaaessionj  in  1814,  28; 
aenda  Moriilo  to  Venezuela, 
3S-S7;  revolution  of  1820,  40; 
Ferdinand  VU  restored,  59; 
reannexes  Dominican  Bepub- 


lic, 10»-IO:  fr  Vila  drthianed. 
112;  and  Mexico.  115.  IK;  n- 
lationa  with  Spanish  America, 
285-87 

Spanish  America,  extant,  l-t; 
popubtiou,  2-5;  economic  or- 
tanisation,  6-7;  oommefoe^ 
7-8;  religion,  8-S;  education, 
9-10;  government,  10-11;  after 
Bollvar'a  downfall,  80  et  md.; 
in  1876,  120-21;  repuUia 
join  in  international  affairs, 
148  et  teq.i  during  the  Great 
War,  281-35;  bibliography, 
239-42;  eee  alio  namei  of 
countries 

Sucre,  Antonio  Jos4  de,  43-44. 
59,  60, 61,  66 

Sucre  (city),  61 

Suffrage,  166-67, 183 

Tacna-Arica  question,  138-42 
181-^ 

Tampico,  American  sailors  ar- 
rested at  (1914),  205 

Tarapaci  (province),  138,  lS9v 
141, 181, 182 

Ten  Years'  War,  113,  158 

Texas,  revolt  in,  105 

llerra  del  Fuego  divided  between 
Argentina  and  Chile,  175 

IVai^icrtation,  eee  Bailroada 

IVinidad,  Great  Britain  acquires; 
15, 28;  Mvandaand,  16 

Tucumln,  Congress  at.  31,  56 

Tuxtepec,  Flan  of,  121 

"United  Kingdom  of  Portugal, 

Brazil,  and  the  Algarves,"  52 
United  Mexican  SUtes,  74 
"United    Provinces    m    South 

America, "  SI 
"United  Provinces  of   Central 

America,"  75, 126 
United  Provinces  of  La  Plata 

Biver,  21,  67 
United  States,  as  example  of 

independence,   13,    132,  237; 

reoogniMS  republic^  S7,  51, 


lWtriSUtet-Co««w«rf 

i»  towttd.  OS,  U^-Sl:  and 
Utaco,   IDS,   118,  MS.  104 

QvU  Wjr  oa  Monroe  Doc- 

go   BepubUc,    111,    H4-M. 

-ir.?*^  "d  Ptou.  140^ 
«»Ui    Fkii-Americu    Confer- 

SS^.l**^'!  Md  Cub.,  ws, 

iM.  101,  ie»,  lea,  imTmi- 

S"i}i»«'  Ceotral  Americ, 

Hi™  1^^'  "^"^  I"***" 
«»^  i'  bounduy  decuion 
lor  Bmo  and  Argentiiw,  174- 
intervention  between  Ecuador 

iB«-87;  and  Veoeniela.  18(L 
IM-M.  19S.  I^TTb  F 
Conference,  ««-08;  and  Nica- 
ngoa.  114,  «7-I»;  and  Haiti, 
■W:  opnunerce  witb  Hiapanic 
r^ubhoj  MS:  war  with  gS: 

UniW  Stote.  of  Bnuil.  ISS;  «, 
olM  Brazil 

■^;i*^  Sf »"  of  Veneaiela." 

U5;j«otaiVenetueIa 
Urquua,  Juato  Jaa«  de,  Oi 
Uruguay,     Igl;     independence 
•wognned,  68;  and  Brazil.  7a 
»0.81,M,»7;.„dAS«Uni 
»»^«.  W.  M».  17ir?oHti« 
SO;  ayil  war  m.  91,  isa,  IW; 
and  Paraguay.  M,  90;  under 
BaUle^  1(18-71;  at  Wub^. 
*?"   CMlf"W>co   (1916),   208; 
attitude  m  Great  War,  «S4, 
,j^;  *-<^  Banda  Oriental 
UzpallaU  IW,  S4, 177 


INDEX 


^1?8o"'"  "^  Balnuceda,  179, 

^'•E'?"'^  "1:  expriition.  of 
Miranda  to.  16;  dedared  in- 
dependent. U;  Bolivar  in,  StS- 
M,  W-J8.  S9  48,  67:  MoriUo 
M.  S6,_  S8;  zeparatu  from 
Cotombu,  68,  06;  reorgani- 
«t«a,  (1804).  144.^^d« 
bnzman  Blanco,  145-47,  188- 
boundary  dispute  witli  Great 

S£S«  ■  }^^^-  "."•'"  f "«». 

18»-9S;  foreign  relatioiu,  190- 
•94;  eleventh  constitution 
adopted  (1914).  194;  under 
B6mtt.lM-9S;  neutral  in 
Great  War.  tSi;  m  aUo  Co- 
lombia.  New  Granada,  United 
SUtes  of  Venezuela 

Vera  Cruz,  74,  11*.  iOS,  t06 

Victma,  Guadalupe.  Prezident 
of  Mexico,  74 

ViUa,  FVancizco  or  "Pancho." 
«07-08,  809-10 

Villa  Hayez  (Paraguay),  1S7 

Waahin^on,  conference  of  South 
Amencan  powers  at  (1915), 
""-OS:  Pan-American  finan- 
cial conference  (1915).  £33 

nr«t  Indies.  51;  ,«  alio  Cuba. 

TClUdad"""^    '■•""■  ^^ 
Weyler,  Valeriano.  Spanish  gen- 
eral in  Cuba,  160-01 

Ymranra,  Pedro  II  at  the,  54: 
Cry  of,  55 

Zapata,  Emiliano,  208 
Zelaya,  Jos«  Santos,  dicUtor  of 
Nicaragua,  156-58.  214 


